scholarly journals The Time of Troubles in Alexander Dugin’s Narrative

2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-157
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shlapentokh

Alexander Dugin (b. 1962) is one of the best-known philosophers and public intellectuals of post-Soviet Russia. While his geopolitical views are well-researched, his views on Russian history are less so. Still, they are important to understand his Weltanschauung and that of like-minded Russian intellectuals. For Dugin, the ‘Time of Troubles’ – the period of Russian history at the beginning of the seventeenth century marked by dynastic crisis and general chaos – constitutes an explanatory framework for the present. Dugin implicitly regarded the ‘Time of Troubles’ in broader philosophical terms. For him, the ‘Time of Troubles’ meant not purely political and social upheaval/dislocation, but a deep spiritual crisis that endangered the very existence of the Russian people. Russia, in his view, has undergone several crises during its long history. Each time, however, Russia has risen again and achieved even greater levels of spiritual wholeness. Dugin believed that Russia was going through a new ‘Time of Troubles’. In the early days of the post-Soviet era, he believed that it was the collapse of the USSR that had led to a new ‘Time of Troubles’. Later, he changed his mind and proclaimed that the Soviet regime was not legitimate at all and, consequently, that the ‘Time of Troubles’ started a century ago in 1917. Dugin holds a positive view of Putin in general. Still, his narrative implies that Putin has been unable to arrest the destructive process of a new Time of Trouble.

Author(s):  
Daniel B. Rowland

This chapter mentions celebrated Russian historian V. O. Kliuchevskii, who complained that S. F. Platonov's Old Russian tales and stories about the time of troubles of the seventeenth-century had lacked significant aspects, such as political ideas. It analyses political ideas that could have been in Platonov's work that illustrated the awakening and development of political thought under the influence of the Troubles. It also talks about Kliuchevskii's famous Course in Russian History, where he commented extensively on new political ideas and cast them into a constitutional framework. The chapter suggests that the reason Kliuchevskii failed to produce positive evidence from Platonov's tales in support of his position is that they simply do not reflect the kind of constitutional sentiment he claimed to find in other historical sources. It describes the legal-institutional approach that Kliuchevskii brought to the problem that led him to treat Platonov's tales as a negative echo of ideas.


2009 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 278-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dmitry Shlapentokh

AbstractThe present regime in Russia has increased its control over media. This is especially the case with TV. Thus, one could assume that the images of the past that one could find on the TV screen could be seen as representing the official views of the past. These images, in approximately 2005-2007, which retrospectively could be seen as the high point of Putin's regime, present in the context of the past the official ideology of the regime. It was sort of a new edition of Stalin's National Bolshevism. Stalin's National Bolshevism tried to integrate the tsarist and Soviet regime in one historical continuum, as was done by Putin's ideologists with Soviet and post-Soviet Russia. While there were similarities between the regimes and ideologies, there were also substantial differences. Stalin's National Bolshevism was the ideology of the rising and future-looking totalitarian state, full of confidence and ready for expansion, Putin's National Bolshevism was the ideology of the regime, which, even at the peak of its strength, felt the limits of its power. The regime's concern was not so much expansion but, implicitly, the preservation of the status quo and, thus, has implications for the regime's selection of historical images, and their interpretation and presentation on the screen.


2021 ◽  
pp. 24-33
Author(s):  
Anastasia G. Coldina ◽  

Issues in the sphere of education are the pressing ones not only today. For historical reasons, any social upheaval in the country has an impact on the public education. The century-old events are not an exception. The system of agrarian education in Soviet Russia encountered great difficulties at the time of the dismantlement of NEP and during the village modernization. In connection with the new tasks facing agriculture, the small network of educational establishments, their disparity, low student take-in capacity, poor financial position and low professional level of graduates could not meet the needs of the People’s Commissariat of Agriculture. Absence of necessary assistance and control from the superior authorities over many educational establishments, particularly over many mid-ranking and low-ranking institutions, adversely affected their activity. The State paid special attention to young peasants and tried to increase the proportion of that social group among the applicants. But the peasants’ financial hardship, shortage of time for studies, weak education proficiency, lack of the scholarship allowances and of accommodation in many educational institutions hampered the implementation of the task. To overcome the situation, it was required to restructure – in cooperation with all those involved – the existing system of agrarian staff training.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Belyakov

Very little is known about diplomatic professionals specialising in eastern affairs in the Muscovite state until the seventeenth century. The issue has only occasionally been touched upon in some research works. This is explained by the limited number of surviving sources. For this reason, the Baymakov-Rezanov family is unique, as the extant data make it possible to trace the uninterrupted service of this clan’s representatives over the course of a century. This is thanks to cadastres and embassy records from both sides, a few extant documents from the Ambassadorial Prikaz, and the family’s persistent nickname. Ambassadorial service was a family business where traditions were passed from generation to generation, from elder sons to younger ones. Several generations of Baymakov-Rezanovs took part in organising the diplomatic contacts of the Muscovite state with Muslim countries as reconnaissance riders (Rus. stanichniki) and interpreters (Rus. tolmachi). They repeatedly headed diplomatic missions and were very well paid for their work. The examination of their family’s story makes it possible to observe the organisation of diplomatic service from a longer historical perspective. Initially, the technical side of contacts with the countries of the east was organised by princely Tartars, who served the grand prince proper. They were provided with land close to Moscow. Gradually, they started forming smaller groups of specialists, such as translators (Rus. bakshei), tolmachi, stanichniki, and the newly baptised (Rus. novokrescheny). This structure was largely destroyed by the Time of Troubles. This affected the circle of people recruited to the service; it grew considerably and was quite often created in accordance with the demands of the moment. Over time, it was predominated by service Tartars from Meshchera. The classic model of the peripheral staff of the Ambassadorial Prikaz, consisting of translators and tolmachi, only formed in the mid-seventeenth century as inherited positions dwindled significantly.


2018 ◽  
pp. 162-200
Author(s):  
Tricia Starks

Anti-tobacco arguments existed in Russia from the seventeenth century, but the explosion in cultivation, production, and consumption meant the reviled habit was now ubiquitous and the sensory assault proved particularly objectionable for many. Pamphlet literature on the dangers of smoking exploded coming not only from doctors but also from religious leaders, moral pundits, and public intellectuals. Authorities worried that the smoker, poisoned by tobacco, became instead of valorous, morally corrupt and physically degenerate connecting Russian tobacco to anxieties of neurasthenic decline and influencing therapies and conceptions of the smoker for decades to come.


Author(s):  
Vigen Guroian

With the notable exception of the Russian mission in Alaska, for the most part the Orthodox Church did not come to America as mission but followed its people’s departure from the homeland, often under extremities of war, social upheaval, or natural disaster. There was no preparation for coming here. They left behind historical Orthodox cultures and were immersed immediately into a society that the Orthodox faith had no role in shaping, a secular society that bafflingly was also religious, though not in any familiar way. Through conversation with theologians and public intellectuals like Schmemann, Parsons, Herberg, Berger, and Berry, this essay first traces the lineage of secularism back to Christianity. The unmooring of virtue from the transcendent, more specifically from the salvific sacrifice of Christ, has yielded secularism as a “step-child” of Christianity. In response, many Orthodox Americans turn to ethnic identity as a means of imbuing daily life with the faith. This, however, is more a sign of a dying church than a means of sustaining its life. The challenge is to renew a sense of the sacred, a liturgical worldview, within the pluralism of American society.


1989 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chester Dunning

In the decade preceding the establishment of the Romanov dynasty in 1613, Muscovite Russia went through a catastrophic period known as the Time of Troubles which was characterized by political unrest, famine, regicide, social upheaval, and foreign intervention. In the final, darkest years of the Time of Troubles many people doubted that Muscovy, which for a time lacked a ruler or even a central government, would be able to survive as an independent state. It appeared more likely that Catholic Poland would conquer the country or that Sweden would come to dominate it. The English, who had established diplomatic and commercial relations with Muscovy in the 1550s and who watched events there with considerable interest, were horrified by reports that the Poles had captured Moscow, that the Swedes had seized much Russian territory, and that factions of the Muscovite lords were negotiating with their aggressive neighbors for a foreign tsar. This eventually led the English to contemplate acquiring North Russia and the commercially important port of Arkhangel'sk for themselves. As strange as it seems, for a brief period of time King James I actually dreamed of adding part of Muscovy to his “empire.”


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