The architecture of William of Orange and the culture of friendship

2004 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanneke Ronnes

The grand houses and gardens of William of Orange (1650–1702) and his courtiers in Britain and the Netherlands are strongly influenced by the French style, itself associated with Louis XIV, who was actually William’s arch-rival. This paper explores that paradox by probing ideas of power and friendship in 17th-century court culture.


During the 17th century, the universities of The Netherlands, and especially that at Leiden, rose to dominate European medical culture. Equipped with an excellent botanical garden and anatomy theatre, established following Italian models in the late 16th century, and with an observatory and chemical laboratory, built in the mid-17th century, Leiden represented the model of the innovative academy. Its clinical course, inaugurated in 1638, was widely seen as a centre of excellence (1). For British observers, furthermore, this status was but one part of the ‘Dutch problem’, the apparently miraculous success of Dutch culture and economy. Natural philosophers joined other analysts in their attention to this issue. William Petty, who had studied medicine in the 1640s at Leiden, Amsterdam and Utrecht, subjected the problem of Dutch supremacy to his new-fangled ‘political anatomy’. While at Leiden he composed both a History of seven months practise in a chymical laboratory and also a Collection of the frugalities of Holland . Among these ‘frugalities’ he listed ‘equall representation; no gentlemen; divines, physicians and soldiers not the greatest m en; all working; toleration ’. He even cited Dutch power to illustrate the political uses of ridicule: noting that the cheese was the symbol of Holland as the Sun was that of Louis XIV, ‘saying that the Holland cheeze should eclipse the Sun as the Moone doth, would have turn’d the King of France into Ridicule, especially if the success had answer’d ’.



Via Latgalica ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 62
Author(s):  
Deniss Hanovs

As John Adamson outlined in his voluminous comparative analysis of European court culture, „in the period between 1500 and 1750 a „Versailles model” of a court as a self-sufficient, situated in a free space, architectonically harmonious city-residency remote from the capital city, where the king’s household and administration was located, was an exception.” The Versailles conception and „model” both architectonically and in terms of practical functioning of the court was spread and secured in the 18th century, developing into a model of absolutism which was imitated to different extents. The spectrum of the adoption of the court of Louis XIV by material and intellectual culture reached from the grand ensembles of palaces of Carskoye Selo in Peterhof, Russia, Drottningholm in Sweden and Sanssouci in Germany to several small residences of the German princes’ realms in Weimar, Hanover, and elsewhere in Europe. Analyzing the works of several researchers about the transformation of the French aristocracy into court society, a common conclusion is the assurance of the symbolic autocratic power by Louis XIV to the detriment of the economic and political independence of the aristocracy. In this context, A. de Tocqueville points at the forfeiture of the power of the French aristocracy and its influence and a simultaneous self-isolation of the group, which he defines as a „caste with ideas, habits and barriers that they created in the nation.” Modern research, when revisiting the methods of the resarch on the aristocracy and when expanding the choice of sources, is still occupied with the problem defined in the beginning of the 19th century by A. de Tocqueville: The aristocracy lost its power and influence, and by the end of the 18th century also its economic basis for its dominance in French society. John Levron defines courtiers as functional mediators between the governor and society, calling them a „screen”.1 In turn, Ellery Schalk stated that in the time of Louis XIV the aristocracy was going through an elite identity crisis, when alongside the old aristocracy involved in military professions (noblesse d’épée), the governor allowed a new, so-called administrative aristocracy (noblesse de robe) to hold major positions and titles of honour. Along with the transformation of the traditional aristocratic hierarchy formed in the early Middle Ages, which John Lough described as an anachronism already back in the 17th century, also the status of governor and its symbolic place in the aristocratic hierarchy changed. It shall be noted that it is the question of a governor’s role in the political culture of absolutism by which the ideas of many researches can be distinguished. Norbert Elias thinks that an absolute monarch was a head of a family, which included the whole state and thereby turned into a governor’s „household”. Timothy Blanning, on the other hand, thinks that the court culture of Louis XIV was the expression of the governor’s insecurity and fears. This is a view which the researcher seems to derive from the traumatic experience of the Fronde (the aristocrats’ uprising against the mother of Louis XIV, regent Anna of Austria), which the culturologist K. Hofmane interpreted from a psychoanalytical point of view and defined Louis XIV as a conqueror of chaos and a despotic governor. In the wide spectrum of opinions, it is not the governor’s political principles which are postulated as a unifying element, but scenarios of the representation of power, their aims and various tools that are combined in the concept of court culture. N. Elias names symbolic activities in the court etiquette as the manifestation of power relations, whereas M. Yampolsky identifies a symbolic withdrawal of a governor’s body from the „circulation in society”, when a governor starts to represent himself, thereby alienating himself from society. George Gooch in this way reprimanded Louis XV as he thought this development would deprive the royal representation from the sacred. In turn, Jonathan Dewald in his famous work „European Aristocracy” noted that Louis XIV was not the first to use the phenomenon of the court for securing the personal authority of a governor, and refers to the courts during the late period of the Italian Renaissance as predecessors of French court culture. What role did the monarch’s closest „viewers” – the courtiers – play in this? K. Hofmane by means of comparison with the ancient Greek mythical monster Gorgon comes to conclusion that the court had to provide prey for the Gorgon (the king), who is both scared and fascinated by the terrific sight (of power and glory). The perception of the court as a collective observer implies the presence of the observed and worshiped object, the king. The public life of Louis XIV, which was subjected to the complicated etiquette, provided for the hierarchical access to the king’s public body. Let’s remember the „Memoirs” of Duc de Saint-Simon that gives a detailed description of the symbolic privileges granted to the courtiers, which along the material gifts (pensions, concessions and land plots) were tools for the formation of the identity and the status of a new aristocrat/courtier – along with the right to touch the king’s belongings, his attire, etc. The basis for securing the structure of the court’s hierarchy was provided by the governor’s body along the lines mentioned above, which according to the understanding of representation by M. Yampolsky was withdrawn from society and placed within the borders of the ensemble of the Versailles palace. There, by means of several tools, including dramatic works of art, the governor’s body was separated from its symbolic content and hidden behind the algorithms of ritualized activities. Blanning also speaks about a practice of hiding from the surrounding environment, thereby defining court culture as a hiding-place that a governor created around himself. It was possible to look at a governor and thereby be observed by him not only on particular festivals, when a governor was available mostly for court society, but also in different works of visual art, for example, on triumphal archs, in engravings, or during horse-racings.



2021 ◽  
Vol 163 (A3) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Corradi

The Album de Colbert compiled by an anonymous author in the second half of the seventeenth century is among the most important illustrated testimonies of the art of shipbuilding. Probably commissioned by Jean-Baptiste Colbert, Minister of Finance and Minister of the Navy of the kingdom of France, the Album was composed to make Louis XIV understand the complexity of shipbuilding. It was also made to support the creation of a navy with the ambition of being competitive with the Royal Navy and with the intent of modernising and expanding the French shipbuilding industry. The fifty plates that make up this illustrated treatise unravel the story of the construction of a first-rank 80-gun line vessel, from the laying of the keel to the launch. It is a unique document that has no contemporaries or precursors because it is not a didactic collection of boats, like the previous treaties that had a completely different methodological approach, more technical-descriptive than illustrative, but it wants to go beyond the scientific treatise. Its purpose was instead to measure itself with representation, showing through the strength of drawing and images the peculiar aspects of the reality of shipbuilding, using iconography as a means of transmitting knowledge related to the world of shipyards and shipbuilding in the 17th century.



2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-195
Author(s):  
Anna E. Zavyalova

The article studies the problem of interpretation of literary source in visual creative work of A.N. Benois. There are identified and analyzed new sources of his works — historical novels by A. Dumas, père. The question about the role of the novels by Alexandre Dumas devoted to the history of France of the 17th and 18th centuries in creative work of Alexandre Benois has never become the object of research. The re­levance of this article is determined by this fact. The scientific novelty of this article lies in revea­ling new literary sources of creative work of A. Benois — Dumas’s novels “Joseph Balsamo (Doctor’s Notes)” (1846—1848), “Louis XIV and his Century” (1844), “Louis XV and his Epoch” (1849) — and determining parallels between them and art practice of the artist: painting, graphics and art of book. The author analyses content of the ar­tist’s memories, his literary works, diaries, as well as diaries by E. Lanceray, and complements these information details by a comparative textological analysis of Benois’s memoirs and Dumas’s no­vels in Russian translations. This method allows to deepen the formal analysis of A. Benois’s works (primarily the two Versailles series) and partially reveal the mechanism of complex figurative synthesis in the artistic consciousness at the turn of the 19th—20th centuries, on the basis of which they were created, to expand the existing perceptions about the literary sources of the artist’s creative work. The author concludes that the no­vels by Dumas “Joseph Balsamo”, “Louis XIV and his Century” had an influence on the artist’s perception of the theme of court culture and Versailles in the historical, cultural and natural aspects. It was reflected in the appeal to the plot of “fish feeding” in the late 1890s, in the formation of the images of Versailles and King Louis XIV in old age. The article also finds that the novel “Joseph Balsamo” had an influence on Benois’s creation of Trianon’s everyday image in the past. At the same time, the artist turned to the interpretation of the image of Marquise de Pompadour as “sultana” under the influence of Dumas’s novel “Louis XV and his Epoch”. In addition, the three musketeers — characters of Dumas’s novel with the same name — are placed in the drawing of the title page of Benois’s “Versailles” album. It is important that it does not come about direct illustration of the novels, but about an artistic process of creating a figurative system of images and forming the artist’s stylistics.





Author(s):  
Henk van Nierop

Amsterdam was the biggest and the most important commercial metropolis of 17th-century Europe. Its wealthy merchants provided a booming market for luxury industries, making Amsterdam a European-wide production center and market for art and other luxury products, as well as books, prints, maps, and atlases. The largest, richest, and most powerful city in the Dutch Republic by far, it often played an independent role in international politics and diplomacy. Promotion of trade interests prompted Amsterdam’s burgomasters to tolerant policies toward Catholics, Jews, Mennonites, and other religious minorities. Originating as a modest settlement near a dam built in the river Amstel (hence its name), Amsterdam soon became the most important port in the Low Countries for trade with the Baltic, importing mainly grain and timber. The Reformation gave rise to fierce controversies. Anabaptist and Reformed risings in 1535 and 1566 provoked brutal repression by the Catholic city government. During the Dutch Revolt, Amsterdam initially remained loyal to church and king but switched allegiance in 1578 and adopted the Protestant Reformation. The capture of Antwerp by the Spanish army in 1585 heralded Amsterdam’s age of greatness. With Antwerp’s harbor closed and the southern provinces wracked by warfare, Amsterdam took over Antwerp’s function as the center of the highly integrated economy of the Low Countries. Amsterdam enlarged its one-sided mercantile economy with new trade routes to Russia, the Mediterranean and the Levant, the Atlantic world, and the Indies. Its newly found wealth led to an unprecedented wave of immigration, increasing its population from about 30,000 in 1578 to over 200,000 by the end of the 17th century. The urban government facilitated trade by the institution of an exchange bank and a commodity exchange, the construction of dockyards, and two bold and ambitious town-planning projects, including Amsterdam’s celebrated ring of canals. This article contains only works specifically dedicated to the history of the city of Amsterdam. Only a few of them are in English. Since Amsterdam was by far the biggest, wealthiest, and most powerful city of the Dutch Republic, much valuable information about Amsterdam is to be found in general works about the Dutch Republic listed in the Oxford Bibliographies articles on The Netherlands (Dutch Revolt / Dutch Republic) and Reformations and Revolt in the Netherlands, 1500–1621. For studies on artists working in Amsterdam and the Amsterdam art market, see the Oxford Bibliographies article on 17th-Century Dutch Art.



Music ◽  
2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Romey

Across early modern Europe popular tunes functioned as canvases for new texts and they served thereby as a tool for oral and written communication. Song enabled literate, semiliterate, and illiterate members of the population to participate in the circulation of news, gossip, and rumors and to mock both current events and individuals through satire. When performed, songs also encouraged audience participation when a tune had a refrain. In France in the 17th and 18th centuries, popular songs, often referred to as vaudevilles or pont-neufs, permeated urban and rural soundscapes. Popular tunes played an important social role in the lives of individuals from all social spheres, from singers begging for donations in the streets to members of fashionable Parisian society who gathered at salons and at the court. Mondains, members of fashionable society who frequently had literary pretensions, composed and preserved (in manuscripts, known today as chansonniers, as well as in printed publications) song texts that circulated between friends, acquaintances, and in the streets. Vaudevilles became associated with the Pont-Neuf, a spacious “new” bridge that functioned as a central thoroughfare but also a public space in which Parisians came to shop, hear the latest gossip, and be entertained by charlatans, street singers, and itinerant actors. Popular song also flourished in close connection to theater, and in the late 17th century popular songs began to play an increasingly prominent role in the Parisian theaters, namely the Comédie-Italienne and the Comédie-Française. By the early 18th century, comic opera (opéra-comique) emerged as a flexible satirical genre of popular theater. In this genre, which at first intermingled sung tunes with spoken prose, vaudevilles served as musical and structural building blocks and enabled audience participation in a manner similar to street performances. Besides the use of vaudevilles, early French comic operas continued the tradition developed in street song and in the late-17th-century theaters of parodying operas and opera airs. Some airs from Jean-Baptiste Lully’s ballets and operas, for example, became vaudevilles and survive with many new texts intended to be sung to simplified versions of his melodies. People from all social ranks, including street performers, servants, salonnières, courtiers, playwrights, and actors created and performed these parodic songs. When we discuss a body of popular songs during the reign of Louis XIV, then, we must imagine a constantly changing repertory that absorbed any tune that was, in contemporary parlance, “in the mouths” of the population. The study of French popular song, therefore, requires a broad interdisciplinary approach.



2019 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Klaas-Willem de Jong

In this article, I present a project that recently emerged at the Protestant Theological University (PThU: NL Amsterdam-Groningen). It focuses on the classical reformed liturgy in the Netherlands, its texts, rituals and their history, especially in the 16th and early 17th centuries. The collection of these texts, passed on through generations, is known as, among others, The Liturgy. I demonstrate it has been observed since the middle of the 17th century that The Liturgy is not a collection of prayers and forms of which the extent and the texts can be clearly defined. Still, a critical edition of The Liturgy has not yet been produced. I argue that a critical edition with attention to its origins, its various releases, its reception in the Netherlands Reformed Church and its effects on other liturgies is needed for an in-depth study of the history of both the reformation period and the reformed liturgy. Subsequently, I outline the method to produce such an edition. Because of the complexity of the matter, each part – for example a form or a collection of prayers – needs to be studied separately. Nevertheless, for each part similar steps have to be taken in which the involved scholars can work together. The critical edition of a part can be published in its own right. The final result is a merging of the releases into a critical edition of The Liturgy as a whole.



1963 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 150-151
Author(s):  
Roy Carroll
Keyword(s):  


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