Electoral Politics in Punjab: A Study of Shiromani Akali Dal

2018 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60
Author(s):  
ASHUTOSH KUMAR

AbstractThe article presents an overview of the electoral politics of Punjab as it has evolved since partition from the vantage point of Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), the oldest surviving state level party in India. It is argued that SAD has been the catalyst behind the major shifts in the politics of the post-partition state. Besides being the most successful party, apart from the Congress, since the state's reorganization in 1966, it has had statewide organizational presence. The Panthic party also receives attention, as it claims to be the legitimate custodian of the Sikh community's religious and cultural interests whenever they are perceived to be under threat, and not just their political interests. Post-militancy, the leadership of Badal has been instrumental in affecting a critical shift in the SAD agenda as it now seeks support based on its record at the front of development and governance rather than by evoking ethnic issues. Significantly, while SAD has retained its core social constituency of the rural Sikhs, it has also succeeded in reaching out to the urban Hindus, including the sizable dalits by following a regionalist populist agenda. Its long-standing alliance with the BJP, an urban Hindutva party, has helped the party broaden its support base. Emergence of AAP as the third credible alternative in what has long been a bipolar polity, with the political power remaining either with the Congress or with the SAD/BJP combine, has posed a fresh challenge to the long entrenched parties, most significantly the SAD which is no longer an ideologically driven cadre based driven movement party.

Author(s):  
Michael Gott

The introduction discusses the political, cultural and cinematic contexts of contemporary European French-language road cinema. It also identifies defines ‘road cinema’ as used in this book and outlines and introduces the book’s three primary aims. The first is to assess the impulse to remap European space through the vantage point of French-language European cinemas. The second is to delineate the parameters of the European French-language road format and identify a number of its narrative, technical and formal particularities. The third objective is to expand the discursive parameters of ‘French’ cinema to encompass a wider realm of inter-related spaces of narrative, film production and reception that I label ‘French-language Europe’.


PCD Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-27
Author(s):  
Amalinda Savirani ◽  
Guntoro

This article investigates the political participation of urban poor through the People's Network of Urban Poor (Jaringan Rakyat Miskin Kota, JRMK) in Jakarta's 2017 gubernatorial election. It also traces the material aspects of this movement, particularly the issues emphasised by the movement: settlement rights, tenure rights, and livelihood rights. Settlement rights reflect a complex system of agrarian laws in Indonesia, and urban development plans in Jakarta, all of which have been shaped by the contestation of economic and political interests. Tenure and livelihood rights for the urban poor,  are heavily steeped in history, with constant threat of forced eviction, As a result the three rights became increasingly tangible and movement became ever more urgent. This article argues that the materiality of social movements influences the urban poor movement political strategies. In this case, the movement created a "political contract" with the candidate who ultimately emerged victorious in the election; owing to the complexity of land and settlement issues, electoral politics offered the most promising strategy. However, movements with different types of 'materiality' could employ other approaches.


2019 ◽  
pp. 177-207
Author(s):  
Geoffrey B. Robinson

This chapter argues that in the crucial six months after the alleged coup of October 1, 1965, Western powers encouraged the army to move forcefully against the Left, facilitated widespread violence including mass killings, and helped to consolidate the political power of the army. In doing so, they helped to bring about the political and physical destruction of the PKI and its affiliates, the removal of Sukarno and his closest associates from political power, their replacement by an army elite led by General Suharto, and a seismic shift in Indonesia's foreign policy toward the West and the capitalist model it advocated. The concerted campaign by foreign powers had three principal elements. The first was a pattern of secret assurances to the army leadership of political support and noninterference in Indonesia's internal affairs. The second was a sophisticated psychological warfare campaign designed to tarnish the PKI and Sukarno, and stir up opposition to them both inside Indonesia and abroad. The third element of the campaign was a carefully calibrated program of material assistance to the army, thereby facilitating and effectively rewarding the army's campaign against the PKI and Sukarno.


Author(s):  
Peter M. Lewis

Petroleum has been key to Nigeria’s political economy since the 1970s, giving rise to a syndrome called the “resource curse.” This includes a revenue monoculture, procyclical policies, endemic corruption, political uncertainty, communal tensions, and heightened conflict. The resource curse concept is organized around shifting elite bargains for the mediation of state-controlled rents. Analyses of the resource curse emphasize structural continuity, yet the syndrome is not immutable, as political interests and institutions may lead to different outcomes. Nigeria’s two petroleum booms illustrate the influence of political factors. Both were framed by abrupt windfalls, volatility, and equally sudden declines in revenue. While the first boom culminated in prolonged economic decline, the second was followed by transient recession and resilient performance in the non-oil economy. This chapter argues that electoral politics and civic participation have shifted elite incentives toward more responsive policies, though these factors are insufficient to shift the political settlement toward an inclusive developmental model.


2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 116
Author(s):  
Indra Kusumawardhana ◽  
Muhammad Badaruddin

Discussion on the power interplay between global sport governance and state-level sport management in Indonesia enriches discourse on the relation between globalization and nation-state’s sovereignty. This Indonesia’s case is an exceptional, since it is representing triangular relationship among Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), the Indonesian Ministry of Youth and Sport (Kemenpora RI), and the Football Association of Indonesia (PSSI) which creates protracted dispute among football stake holders in Indonesia. This paper focus on the case of the Indonesian Kemenpora’s decision to suspend the PSSI activities, which raised reaction of the FIFA by banning Indonesia’s participation in the global football agenda managed by FIFA. Departing from the abovementioned context and perspectives, the purpose of this essay is to answer the questions about the significance of a nation-state’s sovereignty to govern its domestic football issues, as well as answering the question of the global football governance’s power over the national football association. In answering these questions, this paper will draw dynamics relation among domestic political powers which contribute to the internal dispute inside the PSSI in the first part. This paper will also portray the global context by describing on how the FIFA exercises its ‘global authority’ by imposing sanction to the member which is ‘coopted’ by the domestic political power for the second part. Finally, in the third part, this paper will discover the power interplay among these three actors until the recent progress of this case which seems to prove the effective power exercised by the FIFA as a global football governor. Abstrak   Diskusi mengenai interaksi kekuasaan antara tata kelola pemerintahan dunia di bidang olahraga dengan pranata manajemen olahraga pada level negara di Indonesia memperkaya diskursus terkait inter-relasi antara globalisasi dengan kedaulatan negara. Distingsi kasus Indonesia terletak pada interaksi triangular antara Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA), Kementerian Pemuda dan Olahraga Republik Indonesia (Kemenpora RI), dan Persatuan Sepak Bola Seluruh Indonesia (PSSI) yang mengundang sengketa berkepanjangan antara pihak-pihak terkait dalam penyelenggaraan sepak bola di Indonesia. Artikel ini fokus pada dinamika pasca keputusan Kemenpora RI untuk melarang kegiatan PSSI, dimana keputusan tersebut memantik reaksi dari FIFA dengan membekukan hak partisipasi Indonesia di seluruh agenda sepak bola global yang dikelola oleh FIFA. Bertolak dari konteks dan cara pandang ini, tujuan utama dari artikel ini adalah untuk menjawab pertanyaan terkait signifikansi eksistensi kedaulatan negara dalam mengelola permasalahan sepak bola domestik, sekaligus mengungkap kekuasaan tata kelola sepak bola global terhadap asosiasi sepak bola nasional. Dalam menjawab pertanyaan ini, pada bagian pertama, artikel ini akan menelaah dinamika interaksi antara kekuatan-kekuatan politik domestik yang berkontribusi di dalam sengkarut kasus PSSI. Selain itu, artikel ini juga akan menangkap konteks global dengan mendeskripsikan kapasitas FIFA dalam mengartikulasikan otoritas global-nya dengan menjatuhkan sanksi terhadap anggota FIFA yang terkooptasi oleh kepentingan politik domestik. Sedangkan pada bagian akhir, artikel ini akan mengungkap interaksi kekuasaan antara tiga aktor di dalam kasus ini untuk membuktikan kekuasaan FIFA sebagai representasi dari “global football governor”.   Kata kunci: Global Governance, Negara-Bangsa, Sepak Bola, Kemenpora RI, PSSI, FIFA.


Author(s):  
Andrew Rippin

Understanding the character of early jihād has been the focus of much scholarly effort. The relationship between those fighting and the political power of the caliph, the notion of the obligation and appropriateness of continued fighting and the role of the renunciant tradition among early fighters, especially those who become associated with the scholarly classes, are all issues that have drawn attention. 1 The challenges in tackling these issues are many and are primarily related to the limited number and nature of the early sources available to us to clarify the matter. Two early texts that focus on legal aspects of the Qurʾān comprise sources that have not yet been fully tapped in discussing these questions. One work is by Muqātil b. Sulaymān, who died in 150/767 and, while the text in question, Tafsīr al-Khams Miʾat Ā ya min al-Qurʾān al-Karīm, may have achieved its final form later in the second or even the third hijrī century, it represents some of the earliest Qurʾānic exegetical material we have available. The second work is by Abū ʿUbayd, who died in 224/838, and is devoted to abrogation in the Qurʾān (and, to a lesser extent, the Sunna), entitled Kitāb al-Nāsikh wa-l-mansūkh.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 158-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Georgios Karyotis ◽  
Wolfgang Rüdig

The apparent ubiquity of protest in recent years and the rise of Occupy movements across the world have fuelled claims that a new style of mobilisation is emerging which is markedly different from previous social movements. Analysing a series of original survey data, this article engages with this debate by providing a panoramic account of how the anti-austerity movement evolved in Greece, comparing the drivers of protest in three distinct protest waves. Contrary to expectations, the rise of the Greek version of the Indignados during 2011 did not decisively transform the anti-austerity movement that emerged in 2010, which mainly displayed characteristics typically associated with ‘old’ social movements. However, elements of the ‘new social movements’ approach featured more prominently in the third wave of protest, beginning in mid-2012 and culminating in January 2015 with victory for SYRIZA, the party which channelled the anti-austerity movement into the political scene. The model developed to study protest in non-electoral arenas also performs well to explain the success of SYRIZA in the electoral arena, highlighting the reciprocal but understudied relationship between mobilisation and electoral politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Promod Tandan

AbstractThe hydropolitical interaction of Nepal and India can be well defined within the framework of hydro-hegemony. Two case studies of hydro-hegemony and counter-hegemony are illustrated in this paper, unleashing the approach of resistance from the vantage point of Nepal: Upper Karnali and Saptakoshi high dam. Both case studies share a common norm that Nepal, as a small state, has been providing access to the Indian hydro-hegemony, which has compelled it to slowly cede its rights from its water resources. As such, in a historical manner, Nepal is not only losing the opportunity of capitalising on its water resources, but also fixing itself in a vulnerable position in terms of the water securitisation. However, for the two projects lying entirely within the (political) territory of Nepal, the state-level resistance is still feasible to deter and deflect the unintended detrimental effect on Nepal.


2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
Edin Djedović ◽  

Constitutionality of the peoples is one of the most frequent terms used in the post - Dayton era of B&H state functioning. The specificity of the existence of constituent binds to B&H and its complex constitutional organization, because the comparative law knows no such terminology. In the political sphere it was first mentioned in the process of dissolution of Yugoslavia, and in the constitutional order of B&H enters through the Constitution of the FB&H, and Constitution of B&H. Following the adoption of the Constitution set the important question of the importance of constituent peoples in terms of whether it is a collective right to a certain cooperation or equal to the concept of sovereignty, and that it applies only to representation in state government at the state level and throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is driven by the various discussions which are usually given to political connotations. The best answer to such questions is given by the Constitutional Court through the third partial Decision on Constituent Peoples, through which prism we look the meaning of the constituent peoples in B&H.


2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
pp. 279-289
Author(s):  
Валентин Любашиц ◽  
Valentin Lyubashits ◽  
Алексей Мамычев ◽  
Aleksey Mamychev

The article analyzes the concept of the state apparatus, the role of parliaments in the political life of society and the state. The basis of the construction and functioning of the state machinery of any country on objective and subjective factors. The alienation of people from property and political power that has occurred in our country, is the initial state, generating the need for democracy as the need to overcome the old and new forms of alienation of power from society as a resolution of the conflict between the diversity of social and political interests of the subjects of political power and the possibilities of their embodiments of the structures and institutions of power.


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