scholarly journals THIRD PARTIAL DECISION OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL COURT OF B&H ABOUT CONSTITUTIONALITY OF PEOPLES IN BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
Edin Djedović ◽  

Constitutionality of the peoples is one of the most frequent terms used in the post - Dayton era of B&H state functioning. The specificity of the existence of constituent binds to B&H and its complex constitutional organization, because the comparative law knows no such terminology. In the political sphere it was first mentioned in the process of dissolution of Yugoslavia, and in the constitutional order of B&H enters through the Constitution of the FB&H, and Constitution of B&H. Following the adoption of the Constitution set the important question of the importance of constituent peoples in terms of whether it is a collective right to a certain cooperation or equal to the concept of sovereignty, and that it applies only to representation in state government at the state level and throughout Bosnia and Herzegovina. This is driven by the various discussions which are usually given to political connotations. The best answer to such questions is given by the Constitutional Court through the third partial Decision on Constituent Peoples, through which prism we look the meaning of the constituent peoples in B&H.

Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-34
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip ◽  
Muhammad Uzair Azizan

This article discusses on the Islamic-Malay political transition which focuses at the state of Kedah starting from 2008 up to the ‘Menteri Besar’ crisis in 2016. The revolution of Islamic-Malay politics in Kedah started drastically after the previous 12th and 13th general election. The support of Islamic-Malay voters in Kedah is greatly affected by public policy issues which arise during general election period. The political tsunami has given the opposition, especially PAS, the chance to lead the State Government of Kedah for the first time in history after the independence of Malaysia. New policies are developed during PAS’s administration period which gives impact to the politic, economy and society especially in strengthening the status of Islamic-Malay. Be that as it may, PAS’s position was seen to be in danger as the 13th general election draws nearer since there were handful of political issues at the state level and other issues which fails to be handled gently by PAS. As a result of this, UMNO has succeeded in getting back Kedah state government from PAS. The Islamic-Malay voters, as the dominant race in Kedah, have shown their dynamic political inclination based on the leadership trend demonstrated by both parties in their administration. In light of the above, this article discusses the issues, development and solutions which influence the Islamic-Malay voters in Kedah from 2008 to 2016.Keywords: Islamic-Malay politic, political tsunami, political revolution ABSTRAK: Artikel ini membincangkan mengenai transisi politik Melayu-Islam melalui fokus di negeri Kedah bermula dari tahun 2008 hingga krisis pertukaran Menteri Besar pada 2016. Dinamika perubahan politik Melayu-Islam di Kedah bermula secara drastik selepas berlangsungnya pilihan raya umum ke-12 sehingga ke-13 yang lalu. Pelbagai isu berkaitan kepentingan masyarakat yang timbul menjelang pilihan raya umum ke-12 lalu telah mempengaruhi sokongan pengundi Melayu-Islam di Kedah. Kemunculan tsunami politik telah memberi peluang kepada parti oposisi khususnya PAS untuk mentadbir Kedah buat kali pertama semenjak merdeka. Sepanjang tempoh pentadbiran PAS di Kedah, dasar-dasar baru telah diperkenalkan oleh kerajaan negeri sehingga menghasilkan pelbagai impak politik, ekonomi dan sosial khususnya dalam memperkukuhkan kedudukan Melayu-Islam. Namun, kedudukan PAS di Kedah semakin terancam menjelang pilihan raya umum ke-13 menerusi pelbagai krisis dalam politik peringkat negeri dan isu-isu semasa yang gagal ditangani sebaiknya oleh parti berkenaan. Kerencaman isu yang berbangkit menyebabkan UMNO berjaya menguasai semula kerajaan yang sebelumnya ditadbir oleh PAS. Trend kepimpinan dalam tempoh tujuh tahun memperlihatkan bahawa wujudnya kedinamikan politik dalam kalangan pengundi-pengundi Melayu-Islam yang merupakan masyarakat dominan di negeri berkenaan. Oleh hal demikian, artikel ini secara terperinci mengupas isu-isu, perkembangan dan penyelesaian yang mempengaruhi pengundi-pengundi Melayu-Islam khususnya di negeri Kedah dari 2008 hingga 2016. Kata kunci: Politik Melayu-Islam, tsunami politik, perubahan politik


Author(s):  
Siniša Karan ◽  
Siniša Aleksić

The most important issue of the functioning and survival of the states of ambiguous complex federal type (such as BiH), has been the issue of division of competences, and in this regard, the issue of constitutional efficient control of these federal relationships and the distribution of competences.Belonging to a particular collectivity acts as a defining category in the views of the political and constitutional arrangement of Bosnia and Herzegovina as a state community. By bringing the connection of everything with the constitutional model, by creating an image of intolerance of socio-political situation in its own terms, by declaring it guilty of all the crises in Bosnia and Herzegovina, someone wants to create an uncontested application for its change, or replace it by a new constitutional model. The priority goal is to create the perception that the Dayton constitution is an interim solution, which has exhausted its capacities for further development of the state and legal framework. However, substantial amendments to the Constitution appeared de facto by the process of constitutional revision without changing a single letter of the Constitution.The Constitutional Court of BiH found itself in the role of an institution that would confirm and implement its “final and binding” decisions, whose non-implementation would be sanctioned.The Constitutional Court is a special state body whose primary function is to control the constitutionality and legality of legal acts according to a specific procedure. According to this principle, in addition to the Constitutional Court of BiH, there are constitutional courts of federal units (entities).However, by the role from the defenders of constitution to the constitution makers, the BiH Constitutional Court gave itself the right not only to preserve the Constitution, but also to change it through interpreting it (according to its Rules). The revision of constitutional norms through the Constitutional Court has been performed in several ways: first of all, through linguistic interpretation, the general interpretation of norms, as well as the interpretation of certain legal-political milieu of the BiH Federation and with the help of the international factors. The constitutional definition of the position and role of the BiH Constitutional Court has been erroneously and tendentiously interpreted, giving it the ability to significantly change the constitutional position of the entity in relation to BiH. At the same time, it allowed itself an action that was and has been completely out of range and control of the entities that make up the substantial figure of Bosnia and Herzegovina. In this sense, the main institution for the protection of the Constitution of Bosnia and Herzegovina followed the path of its original decommissioning and creation of constitutional framework for a new state of Bosnia and Herzegovina by its own decisions, going into assessments of political and discretionary nature of the state bodies’ decisions and expediency of those decisions.Due to the practices adopted, in neither of its segment, the Constitutional Court has been under social control of any institutional authorities at any level. By its free action, it becomes the main advantage in the hands of all those who advocate new constitutional realities which are the opposite of the Dayton Constitution of BiH. Contrary to the continental law school of centralized judicial control of constitutionality and strict implementation of the constitution and constitutional procedures, the Constitutional Court acts as the US Supreme Court.On the basis of already established rules, the BiH Constitutional Court rather than it only makes application to individual cases (the European law), on the contrary, on the basis of individual cases it determines the rules (precedent Anglo Saxon law). That is why all serious attempts would question the action of unconstitutional institutions at the state level, for the final authority of the Constitutional Court of BiH and its current practices are doomed to failure in advance.The current rules on the one hand and the court practice on which the Constitutional Court operates on the other hand, explicit show the tendency of transformation of a complex federal state structure with elements of confederal type, according to a unitary, in the form of constitutional protection.Transfer of competencies from the entities to the state, confirmed by the BiH Constitutional Court, which was carried out in the post Dayton period with the use of methods that are deeply in conflict with democratic principles, significantly reduced the confederal items of BiH arrangement, in favor of strengthening capacities of the state institutions and federal state.


1991 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 225-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Portz ◽  
Peter Eisinger

In recent years policymakers in a number of American states have chosen biotechnology as a key element in their economic development efforts. With visions of business growth and new jobs, state officials have targeted biotechnology as an important industry of the future. In this paper we focus on the political dynamics that underlay the choice of biotechnology in eleven states. With those states providing examples, we identify three major models of policy choice. The first involves an interest-based process in which state policymakers respond to explicit or implicit pressures from different parties. The second involves a strategic planning exercise in which state officials analyze the economic structure of the state and seek to develop a comparative advantage in the field of biotechnology. And the third starts with a strategic analysis but then relies upon a competitive, interest-based process to determine the allocation of state funds. We conclude by briefly discussing major issues for science policymaking at the state level.


2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (2020) (2) ◽  
pp. 359-394
Author(s):  
Jurij Perovšek

For Slovenes in the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes the year 1919 represented the final step to a new political beginning. With the end of the united all-Slovene liberal party organisation and the formation of separate liberal parties, the political party life faced a new era. Similar development was showing also in the Marxist camp. The Catholic camp was united. For the first time, Slovenes from all political camps took part in the state government politics and parliament work. They faced the diminishing of the independence, which was gained in the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, and the mutual fight for its preservation or abolition. This was the beginning of national-political separations in the later Yugoslav state. The year 1919 was characterized also by the establishment of the Slovene university and early occurrences of social discontent. A declaration about the new historical phenomenon – Bolshevism, had to be made. While the region of Prekmurje was integrated to the new state, the questions of the Western border and the situation with Carinthia were not resolved. For the Slovene history, the year 1919 presents a multi-transitional year.


Author(s):  
Aleksey Bredikhin ◽  
Andrei Udaltsov

In the article the authors analyze the essence of propaganda as a means of implementing ideological function of the state. It is noted that propaganda is a mechanism of spreading information persuasive influence in the interpretation and estimation of state power representatives. The structure of propaganda is determined: beneficiary of propaganda, subjects of propaganda, content of propaganda, channels of realization of propaganda, addressee of propaganda, feedback system. Types of propaganda are distinguished: political, axiological, educational, preventive. The authors come to the conclusion that the basic directions and the propaganda content are established in normative acts and the programs and organizational actions accepted according to them. Along with the implementation of propaganda, the ideological function is implemented by prohibiting or restricting propaganda or other dissemination of information that endangers the foundations of the constitutional order and is otherwise aimed at destabilizing the political situation in the State, as well as prohibiting the propaganda of ideas that may harm the foundations of morality and morality. The mass media are essential in carrying out propaganda. The State widely uses this resource on an equal footing with other actors to disseminate ideas of public importance and uses the services of various communication agencies. However, the state forms a legal framework for the mass media, their rights and limitations, which still determines the special position of the state in this process.


1993 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Montgomery Van Wart

Executive development can only be properly conceptualized as a part of the state's overall human resource development (HRD) system. As a part of that system, the special needs and constraints of executive development can be addressed. Some of the best human resource development systems build level by level, with executive development as the logical and integrated conclusion, even though the programs may be housed in a variety of settings. As background, this article discusses the differences in the four levels of HRD, the three major skill areas that are identified with each of these levels, and the four features that characterize good human resource systems. It concentrates on the features that characterize good executive development systems and also includes a number of examples of good executive development systems in the federal and state government sectors.


2016 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 604
Author(s):  
Faiq Tobroni

This paper has three key issues. The first issue discusses the arguments constructed by applicant of judicial review (JR) to assess the constitutional rights’ violations caused by the application of Article 2 (1) UUP. The second issue discusses on how the Constitutional Court (MK) seated position of state associated marital affairs in the rejection of JR. The third issue discusses model of freedom of ijtihad (legal thought) on interfaith marriage as the impact of MK’s Decision. Based on    the discussion, regarding to the first issue, the applicant of JR assess the application of Article 2 (1) UUP has legitimized the state as the sole interpreters of religious teachings for a requirement validity of the marriage. According to the applicant,  the role is used by the state (The Office for Religious Affairs/KUA) to not accept interfaith marriage. This refusal led to the violation of some other constitutional rights. Furthermore, as the findings of the second issue, MK’s decision has placed   the real position of state not as interpreters of religious teachings, but merely to accommodate the results of religious scholars’s ijtihad regarding marriage into the state law. Thus, it is not true that the state has violated the constitutional right to more intervene the religious life of citizens. Last findings as the third issue, MK’s decision has affected the model of ijtihad freedom on interfaith marriage. Actually interfaith marriage can still be served through the Civil Registry Office (KCS). KCS could be an alternative way to facilitate the interfaith marriages for all religions in Indonesia. Special for KUA, the institution reject to record interfaith marriage.   In this way, it only accommodates freedom of ijtihad within the limits of ijtihad jama’i. KUA just accomodates ijtihad by institutions such as the Majelis Ulama Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama, Muhammadiyah and other similar institutions that reject interfaith marriage. Special for marriage in muslim community, ijtihad jama’i is better than ijtihad fardiy because the second could trigger the liberalization of marriage laws (temporary marriages, polygamy more than four, underage marriages and denial of recording).


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (5(74)) ◽  
pp. 72-75
Author(s):  
A.B. Shumilina ◽  
O.A. Artyuhin ◽  
A.A. Krickaya

The article examines the peculiarities of the organization of local government in modern Russia, explores the peculiarities of its interaction with the state government, identifies the essential characteristics of local government, defines its role in the system of political governance and public power


2017 ◽  
Vol 20 ◽  
pp. 11-24
Author(s):  
Barbara A. Markiewicz

In line with the concept of politics developed by ancient Greeks, the political sphere is identified with transparency and overtness. However, it has always been hiding secret actions, conspiracies and collusions. The emergence of the modern model of the state, along with the rationalisation of its structures, enabled the secret equivalents of authority to transform into organisations, i.e. institutions alternative to official organisations, established by law and having specific powers. Rather than talking about actual organisations, the author discusses the process whereby these secret, underground structures turn into organisations that influence the sphere of overt politics. She tries to show that this is a specific kind of game between what is explicit and public and what is concealed and secret. This game is constantly present in political activities, although we seldom realise it.


Author(s):  
Gennadiy G. Bril’ ◽  
Leonid N. Zaytsev

The article examines the process of origin and formation of the political police of Kostroma Province in the mid-19th century. Special attention is paid to the issue of its staffi ng and the wide use of army offi cers for service in the political police. The chronological framework covers a little-studied period of activity of the political police in Kostroma Province. The authors of the article note that the Highest orders of military ranks that had a special place in the appointment of the headquarters and chief offi cers of the political police. On the basis of archival materials, the main directions of service activities of the highest ranks of the political police in the region are analysed. The article reveals the contribution of the gendarmes’ Corps chiefs to the protection of public order during the period under review. The author reveals the attitude of the authorities to literacy among the lower ranks of the gendarmerie. On the basis of historical and archival documents, it is concluded that the successful career of offi cers was promoted by conscientious performance of their offi cial duties, their «excellent-diligent and zealous service». It is concluded that special attention was paid to discipline among the gendarmes. The political police were independent of other branches of government, and were subordinate only to the headquarters of the gendarmes’ corps and the third division of His Imperial Majesty’s own offi ce. Gaps in the historical and legal coverage of the work of the state security Agency in the province of the Russian Empire at the fi rst stage of its existence are fi lled.


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