After the “Master Theory”: Downs, Schattschneider, and the Rebirth of Policy-Focused Analysis

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 643-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacob S. Hacker ◽  
Paul Pierson

Drawing on the pioneering work of Anthony Downs, political scientists have tended to characterize American politics as a game among undifferentiated competitors, played out largely through elections, with outcomes reflecting how formal rules translate election results into legislative votes. In this perspective, voters, campaigns, elections, and the ideological distribution of legislators merit extensive scrutiny. Other features of the political environment—most notably, the policies these legislators help create and the interest groups that struggle over these policies—are deemed largely peripheral. However, contemporary politics often looks very different than the world described by Downs. Instead, it more closely resembles the world depicted by E. E. Schattschneider—a world in which policy and groups loom large, the influence of voters is highly conditional, and the key struggle is not over gaining office but over reshaping governance. Over the last twenty years, a growing body of scholarship has emerged that advances this corrective vision—an approach we call “policy-focused political science.” In this framework, politics is centrally about the exercise of government authority for particular substantive purposes. Such exercises of authority create the “terrain” for political struggle, profoundly shaping both individual and group political behavior. More important, because policies can be so consequential, they also serve as the “prize” for many of the most enduring political players, especially organized interest groups. The payoffs of a policy-focused perspective include a more accurate portrayal of the institutional environment of modern politics, an appreciation for the fundamental importance of organized groups, a better understanding of the dynamics of policy change, and a more accurate mapping of interests, strategies, and influence. These benefits are illustrated through brief examinations of two of the biggest changes in American politics over the last generation: asymmetric partisan polarization and the growing concentration of income at the top.

2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 564-581 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martin Gilens ◽  
Benjamin I. Page

Each of four theoretical traditions in the study of American politics—which can be characterized as theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy, Economic-Elite Domination, and two types of interest-group pluralism, Majoritarian Pluralism and Biased Pluralism—offers different predictions about which sets of actors have how much influence over public policy: average citizens; economic elites; and organized interest groups, mass-based or business-oriented.A great deal of empirical research speaks to the policy influence of one or another set of actors, but until recently it has not been possible to test these contrasting theoretical predictions against each other within a single statistical model. We report on an effort to do so, using a unique data set that includes measures of the key variables for 1,779 policy issues.Multivariate analysis indicates that economic elites and organized groups representing business interests have substantial independent impacts on U.S. government policy, while average citizens and mass-based interest groups have little or no independent influence. The results provide substantial support for theories of Economic-Elite Domination and for theories of Biased Pluralism, but not for theories of Majoritarian Electoral Democracy or Majoritarian Pluralism.


1983 ◽  
Vol 16 (04) ◽  
pp. 648-655
Author(s):  
Byron E. Shafer

Political scientists are charged with explaining the recurrent elements in the politics of presidential selection. Journalists are charged with explaining the elements of the moment. The best political scientists are nevertheless able to apply their larger analytic framework to the specific developments of the day. Just as the best journalists are able to frame those developments in some larger theoretical context. Political history, however, has been notably unkind to political scientists and journalists alike, when it comes to predicting the specific outcome of contests over presidential nominations—and elections. Inevitably, then, the year 1984 appears as the next challenge to scholarly, and journalistic, interpretation.The principal sources of change in the contemporary politics of presidential selection, those categories of events which are the meat of working journalists, are themselves comparatively stable and would thus seem ideally suited to the investigations of working political scientists as well. These include the institutional framework for the nomination and then the election. They include the field of contenders which begins the chase for a nomination, and narrows in the conflict over final election. They include major public issues, both those which surface with some regularity and those which really are specific to one presidential year. And they include the organized interest groups, recognized constituencies, and rank-and-file individuals who participate at varying levels and in varying mixes from campaign to campaign. In the face of these regularized elements of change, of course, the strategies and tactics of elite contenders and mass participants also reliably shift. For 1984, every one of these categories shows some further evolution, or at least some new, noteworthy twist.


2011 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
PerOla Öberg ◽  
Torsten Svensson ◽  
Peter Munk Christiansen ◽  
Asbjørn Sonne Nørgaard ◽  
Hilmar Rommetvedt ◽  
...  

AbstractDenmark, Norway and Sweden are still among the most corporatist democracies in the world. Although corporatism has declined in Scandinavia over the last decades, it still exists, albeit at a lower level. Based on comparative and longitudinal data, we argue that this is a consequence of the disruption of some of the prerequisites to corporatist exchange. Neither governments nor the relevant interest groups in Scandinavia control what their exchange partner desires to the same extent as they did during the heyday of corporatism. Despite the involvement of different factors in the three countries, the main pattern is the same. Consequently, the character of state–interest group relations in Scandinavia is not as distinctive as it used to be.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Pierson ◽  
Eric Schickler

We present a “developmental” approach to understanding why rising polarization in the United States has not been self-correcting but instead continues to intensify. Under specified conditions, initial increases in polarization may change the meso-environment, including such features as state parties, the structure of media, and the configuration of interest groups. These shifts can in turn influence other aspects of politics, leading to a further intensification of polarization. This analysis has four important benefits: ( a) It directs our attention to the meso-institutional environment of the American polity; ( b) it clarifies the features of the polity that have traditionally limited the extent and duration of polarization, and the reasons why their contemporary impact may be attenuated; ( c) it helps us analyze asymmetrical, or party-specific, aspects of polarization; and ( d) it provides an analytic foundation that connects discussions of American politics to the comparative politics literature on democratic backsliding.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 154
Author(s):  
Jelka Zorn

Differently from studies that analyze antideportation struggles in relation to concepts of state sovereignty and (un)making of citizenship, this paper focuses more on intersection of politics and body. It discusses struggle for the “place in the world” as an embodied experience. Ahmad Shamieh came to Slovenia in 2016 through the humanitarian corridor on the Balkan route. The Slovene Ministry of the Interior refused to examine his asylum claim and instead issued him a Dublin Regulation decision, stating that he was to be deported to Croatia. Ahmad’s and his supporters’ legal and political struggle, which lasted several years, prevented his deportation. In contrast to state’s politics of exclusion, causing dehumanization and traumatization the grassroots community struggle developed the politics of inclusion, solidarity and care from below, in practice transforming the conditions of belonging.


2003 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
HENRY Y. H. ZHAO

The 25 years of the post-Mao era of Chinese fiction is divided into two distinct stages: the pre-1989 period, and the post-1989 period. If this division is true about almost everything else in China, it is especially true with literature. This is because literature had been used as a lethal weapon for political struggle by Mao before and during his regime, and this tradition, though strongly challenged in the post-Mao era, still lingers, though in very different forms now and much watered down. Even the recent trends of art for art's sake, or for the sake of entertainment, or for the sake of religious consciousness, could also be read as political gestures, and are indeed treated as such by Chinese literary officialdom, and also by Western China experts. Despite the fact that Chinese fiction has been highly politicized, this paper will examine, as much as possible, the development of fiction as an art. Only the artistic quality can support my argument that recent novels from China deserve not only more scholarly attention but also more reader appreciation than they have hitherto received around the world.


1982 ◽  
Vol 72 (6B) ◽  
pp. S19-S28
Author(s):  
Ralph H. Turner

abstract A 3-yr content analysis of all items dealing with earthquakes in six major Los Angeles newspapers and a review of television and radio treatment of earthquake topics in the same period, coupled with periodic surveys of popular understanding and attitudes toward the earthquake threat following announcement of the southern California uplift (Palmdale Bulge), lead to the identification of four media problems that contributed to the often erratic treatment of earthquake threat. First is the problem of newsworthiness, determining when and how to feature discussions of the continuing earthquake threat in the absence of either dramatic events or mobilized public controversy. Second is the problem of finding sources to provide a steady flow of material for use in preparing news items, in the absence of well-organized interest groups, especially those concerned with individual, household, and neighborhood earthquake preparedness. Third is the dilemma of how to balance the needs for alarm and reassurance, shocking people out of lethargy into action on the one hand versus trying to minimize unproductive anxiety and community disruption on the other hand. The fourth problem is communicating science when nonscientific world views are prevalent and merged to the point of confusion with scientific world views in popular thinking.


1980 ◽  
Vol 2 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 197-200
Author(s):  
D. Bruce Marshall

The Conference Group on French Politics and Society organized two panels on the theme: The International Economic Crisis – The French Response which were held in conjunction with the Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association in Los Angeles on March 21-22, 1980. Chaired by Peter Gou rev itch (UC San Diego), the panelists considered some of the various solutions which the French Government and major interest groups have developed to cope with the troubles that persist in the world economy.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (7) ◽  
pp. 46
Author(s):  
Caroline Rios Costa

As trajetórias femininas na vida pública vêm ganhando cada vez mais espaço, com mulheres do mundo tomando as ruas como forma de luta e resistência. Na Argentina, dois exemplos emblemáticos servem como espelho para outros movimentos: as Madres de Plaza de Mayo e as feministas do Ni Una Menos. Criados em diferentes contextos sociais, faixas etárias e motivações políticas, estes grupos se tornaram estandartes da luta política e reivindicação a nível federal, e até mesmo global. Similaridades e diferenças entre os dois grupos devem ser observadas para entender de forma adequada suas constituições enquanto agentes sociais e políticos. Além disso, pretendemos perceber como essas mulheres, jovens e senhoras, transformaram a questão do feminino e do gênero em sinônimo de uma luta frente a uma sociedade patriarcal em todo o mundo.Palavras-chave: Gênero, Resistência, Ni Una Menos, Madres de Plaza de Mayo AbstractWomen's trajectories in public life have been gaining more and more space, with women of the world taking over the streets as a form of struggle and resistance. In Argentina, two emblematic examples serve as a mirror to other movements: the Madres de Plaza de Mayo and the feminists of Ni Una Menos. Built on different social contexts, age groups, and political grounds, have become banners of political struggle and claim at federal, and even global, level. Similarities and differences must be observed to properly understand their constitutions as social and political agents. In addition, we intend to understand how these women, young and old, have transformed the issue of the feminine and gender into a struggle that clashes with a worldwide patriarchal society.Keywords: Gender, Resistance, Ni Una Menos, Madres de Plaza de Mayo


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