The Birth of a Welfare State in Korea: The Unfinished Symphony of Democratization and Globalization

2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 405-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ho Keun Song
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
The State ◽  
Bank Loans ◽  
Asian Crisis ◽  
Organized Labor ◽  
Korean State ◽  
The Guardian

Globalization pressured a rebirth of the state in Korea, but in an unexpected direction. Whereas the welfare state retrenched in Western Europe under pressures of the borderless global economy, the Korean state reinvented itself into the guardian of public welfare. That regime shift occurred when the “Asian crisis” struck in 1997 to end the developmental state's way of growth. Previously, the state channeled subsidized bank loans to the chaebol firms (monopolistic conglomerates in strategic industries) and the chaebol company welfare to its workforce in order to secure industrial peace in strategic growth sectors. This de facto class bargain, partly forced by the developmental state and chaebol firms and partly prodded by organized labor, crumbled with the Asian crisis. No longer too big to fail, the chaebol firms plunged into downsizing and restructuring in order to raise profitability, thus precipitating a profound social crisis. The rules and norms of lifetime employment and promotion by seniority gestated during Park Chung Hee's authoritarian rule (1961–1979), and labor's acquiescence—if not consent—to the chaebol-led hypergrowth strategy collapsed as the crisis damaged a third of Korea's top thirty business conglomerates in 1997 and 1998.

scholarly journals IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM THAT JUST AS THE PRO-POOR GOVERNMENT POLICIES

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Sri Suatmiati
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Basic Education ◽  
Development Program ◽  
The State ◽  
State System ◽  
Poor People ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Welfare State

<p>In Several states, social security for citizens is place to protect marginalized groups in order to maintain access to public services are rudimentary, such as services to meet the needs from the perspective of political economy known as basic need. Public welfare provision in the state system includes services in the areas of basic education, health and housing are cheap and good quality, if Necessary, free as in Western Europe is a cluster of countries are quite intense in terms of the welfare state principles. Free education and health is a major concern in Western Europe to get subsidies. The Data agency (BPS) said that the Indonesian population in 2010 income Rp.27,0 million a year. There are poor people Whose population is 80 percent of the population only contributes about 20 percent of GDP. There are the wealthy once or people who enter the category earn more than 30,000 dollars a year, but there are Also people with disabilities living income or $ 2 dollars per day (730 dollars a year), the which are still 100 million people. It means there is a huge gap. The words fair, equitable, wellbeing and prosperity was growing dimmer and the faint sound. This condition shows how there is no equity in income Because there is no strong will to realize the vision for the welfare of society. Impossible Anti-poverty program run properly if the governance of the state and society is not yet fully base on the welfare state system. Anti-poverty programs intertwine with the application of individual taxation that is progressive. If taxation without concept, poverty reduction strategy with the government has not gone According to the terms of the welfare state that is pro-poor.</p>

The Political Economy of Ethiopia from the Imperial Period to the Present

2019 ◽  
pp. 32-47
Author(s):  
Christopher Clapham
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
The State ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Economic Exploitation ◽  
Rapid Economic Growth ◽  
Imperial Period

Ethiopia’s political economy has historically been shaped by two key factors: the strength of the state, and the divergence between the sources of political power, concentrated in the northern highlands, and of economic power, concentrated in the southern and western regions incorporated in the late nineteenth century. These features were intensified under both imperial (1941–74) and revolutionary (1974–91) regimes that used a greatly strengthened state to promote development programmes that rested on the economic exploitation of politically marginalized regions. The EPRDF regime, in office since 1991, has addressed these problems through a federal system designed to rectify historical imbalances in political power, combined with a ‘developmental state’ that drew on East Asian models to generate rapid economic growth through incorporation into the global economy, while retaining a strong role for the state. Despite the impressive successes of this programme, problems derived from the historical structure of Ethiopian statehood inevitably remain.

scholarly journals PENGUNDURAN DIRI SUKARELA SEBAGAI PENYELUNDUPAN HUKUM PEMUTUSAN HUBUNGAN KERJA SELAMA PANDEMI COVID-19

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
I Wayan Gde Wiryawan
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
The State ◽  
Legal Obligation ◽  
Severance Pay ◽  
Philosophical Basis ◽  
Employment Termination ◽  
Years Of Service ◽  
Legal Consequences

Abstract The Covid-19 pandemic has implications for the weakening of the global economy. Many companies cannot operate or cannot operate optimally. In making efficiency with company expenses, the company reduces the number of employees, and some even close the business permanently. To reduce costs incurred by companies in the mechanism of termination of employment, the company uses a voluntary resignation statement. This condition is certainly detrimental to workers. This research will discuss firstly the protection of workers during the Covid-19 pandemic and second, the comparison of legal consequences of termination of employment with voluntary resignation. Protection of workers during the Covid-19 pandemic is based on a philosophical basis where the state has a legal obligation to create welfare for its people through the concept of a welfare state. Therefore, the state issued a series of policies to protect workers from termination of employment. One form of employment termination created by the company is by asking workers to sign a letter of voluntary resignation. In the event of termination of employment, the employer is obliged to pay severance pay and/or compensation for years of service and compensation for entitlements that should be received, whereas if the worker resigns voluntarily, the employer does not pay all the components of the right.Keywords: company; resignation; work terminationAbstrakPandemi Covid-19 berimplikasi pada pelemahan ekonomi global. Banyak perusahaan yang tidak dapat beroperasi atau tidak dapat beroperasi secara optimal. Dalam melakukan efesien terhadap pengeluaran perusahaan, maka perusahaan mengurangi jumlah karyawan, bahkan ada yang menutup usaha secara permanen. Untuk mengurangi biaya yang perlu dikeluarkan oleh perusahaan dalam mekanisme pemutusan hubungan kerja, maka perusahaan menggunakan surat pernyataan pengunduran diri secara sukarela. Kondisi ini tentu merugikan pekerja. Dalam penelitian ini akan dibahas mengenai pertama perlindungan tenaga kerja pada masa pandemi Covid-19 dan kedua, perbandingan akibat hukum pemutusan hubungan kerja dengan pengunduran diri sukarela. Perlindungan tenaga kerja pada masa pandemi Covid-19 didasarkan pada dasar filosofi dimana negara memiliki kewajiban hukum untuk menciptakan kesejahteraan bagi rakyatnya melalui konsep welfare state. Oleh sebab itu, negara mengeluarkan serangkaian kebijakan untuk melindungi tenaga kerja dari pemutusan hubungan kerja. Salah satu bentuk pemutusan tenaga kerja yang diciptakan oleh perusahaan adalah dengan meminta pekerja untuk menandatangangi surat pernyataan pengunduran diri secara sukarela. Dalam hal terjadi pemutusan hubungan kerja pengusaha diwajibkan membayar uang pesangon dan atau uang penghargaan masa kerja dan uang penggantian hak yang seharusnya diterima, sedangkan apabila pekerja mengundurkan diri secara sukarela maka pengusaha tidak membayarkan seluruh komponen hak tersebut.

scholarly journals New wine in old bottles? Korean state actors’ policy engagement with the online gaming industry

2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-123
Author(s):  
Ji-Won Song
Keyword(s):  
Industrial Development ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
Online Gaming ◽  
The State ◽  
Gaming Industry ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
State Actors ◽  
Korean State ◽  
Policy Engagement

This article revisits the developmental state literature that stresses the unitary role of the state in steering economic development in East Asia. Focusing on the Korean state actors’ diversity and their agency after the trend of globalization and democratization, this article highlights various state actors as agents and looks into how the role of state actors has changed with industrial development, using the setting of the Korean online gaming industry over the past two decades. By examining government policy measures on the industry, I found that the state actors have actively engaged with the industry, however, this agency has not been uniform due to the different purposes of the actors and sometimes led a detrimental effect against the needs or expectations of the industry. The findings, thus, contribute to the literature by suggesting the potentiality of agent-driven institutional change and the heterogeneity that comes from the state actors’ policy engagement.

scholarly journals Neoliberalism’s prologue: Keynesianism, myths of class compromises and the restoration of class power

2021 ◽  
pp. 146349962198913
Author(s):  
George Baca
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Capital Accumulation ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Full Employment ◽  
The State ◽  
Best Interests ◽  
Welfare Provision ◽  
Employment Policies ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War

Many anthropologists interpret neoliberalism as a radical break from and dangerous rupture in post-war societies that featured Keynesian economic policies and welfare provision. The allure of a mythic welfare state has boosted John Maynard Keynes’s popularity to many who embrace certain facets of socialism. Many critical social scientists have embraced Keynesianism in ways that overlook how the US used Keynesian policies to reengineer and redeploy state power. Keynes’s liberal synthesis inspired managers in the US Treasury Department to understand depression-era problems of unemployment and poverty in ways that were consonant with the expansion of corporate power. For understanding Keynesianism, as it actually existed during the Cold War, we must analyse how the US Treasury and State Departments used Keynesian principles to rebuild the social reproductive capacities necessary for capitalist accumulation both domestically and in Western Europe. I focus on how the architects of post-war capitalism used full employment policies, labour laws and welfare provision to renovate the nexus of political practices and institutional structures in ways that formed a benevolent and caring image of ‘the state’ and the myth of a class compromise. Through these reforms, governmental planners and administrators used the ‘state idea’ to reorganize capital accumulation as if the post-war economy would represent ordinary people’s best interests. In the process, these sophisticated practices of power became reified as the ‘welfare state’ and the ‘Keynesian compromise’ in ways that endow these institutions and policies with a character divorced from practices of power. The post-war state embodied a dialectic of repression and reform that combined criminalizing dissent with full employment policies and welfare provision. Taking these aspects of power into account, we can see post-war Keynesianism in ways that inspire a robust and far-reaching criticism of the contemporary predicament of economic uncertainty, political instability and environmental degradation.

Changes by Competition

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyeong-ki Kwon
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Active Role ◽  
Developmental State ◽  
The State ◽  
Long Period ◽  
Korean Economy ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Korean State ◽  
Sustainable Economic Growth

By tracing historically the evolution of Korean state-led capitalism and comparing it with other economies, this book criticizes prevalent theories including neoliberalism, the developmental state, and institutionalism, while proposing a theoretical alternative focusing on endogenous changes and institutional adaptability through elite competition within the state. Unlike the arguments of the neoliberals, the state can still play an active role in reconstituting the national economy in globalization. The Korean state successfully fosters economic growth by nurturing industrial commons even in globalization, rather than change toward a neoliberal free market system. In order to better account for sustainable economic growth over a long time, this book emphasizes institutional adaptability through elite competition, rather than offering neoliberal celebrations of the free market and the statist emphasis on the stringent Weberian state. The Korean economy, as well as the East Asian developmental state (DS) economies, could have sustainable development over a long period, not because of an apparent and standardized growth formula, or because of some institutional elements of a stringent Weberian state, but because they have adjusted their methods and strategies of development through competition among elites inside and outside the state, as new challenges, never met with an apparent solution, have continuously emerged. In order to better account for the evolution of state-led developmentalism in Korea, as well as in other countries, this book proposes changes by competition among elites within as well as outside the state, which causes changes in developmentalism and more flexible adjustments in new contexts.

The Guardian of the Constitution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin A. Schupmann
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Constitutional Amendment ◽  
Public Order ◽  
Positive Law ◽  
Mass Democracy ◽  
The Guardian

Chapter 5 analyzes Schmitt’s theory of dictatorship. Schmitt’s theory of dictatorship was part of his broader criticism of positivism and its inability to effectively respond to the instabilities mass democracy wrought on the state and constitution. Positive laws, including constitutional amendment procedures, could themselves become threats to the fundamental commitments of public order. The suspension of positive laws might be justified. Schmitt argued dictatorship was a necessary final bulwark against this sort of revolutionary threat. The dictator, as guardian of last resort capable of acting outside positive law, could become necessary for a state to survive internal enemies. Yet, although dictatorship could suspend positive law, Schmitt argued it did not suspend the fundamental public order of the state and constitution—a distinction positivism was unable to recognize. This chapter concludes with an analysis of Schmitt’s discussion of the role of the president as guardian of the constitution.

In Need

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jordanna Bailkin
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
The State ◽  
Ethnic Identities ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
Downward Mobility ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Welfare State

This chapter asks how refugee camps transformed people as well as spaces, altering the identities of the individuals and communities who lived in and near them. It considers how camps forged and fractured economic, religious, and ethnic identities, constructing different kinds of unity and disunity. Camps had unpredictable effects on how refugees and Britons thought of themselves, and how they saw their relationship to upward and downward mobility. As the impoverished Briton emerged more clearly in the imagination of the welfare state, the refugee was his constant companion and critic. The state struggled to determine whether refugees required the same care as the poor, or if they warranted their own structures of aid.

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