FROM EMMETT TILL TO TRAYVON MARTIN

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (02) ◽  
pp. 257-294
Author(s):  
Angela Onwuachi-Willig
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Social Order ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Male ◽  
White Men ◽  
White Female ◽  
White Womanhood ◽  
The Way ◽  
Trayvon Martin

AbstractOn February 26, 2012, George Zimmerman, a man of White American and Peruvian descent, shot and killed Trayvon Martin, a Black teenager who was walking back to the home where he was a guest in Sanford, Florida. For many, Trayvon Martin is this generation’s Emmett Till, the fourteen-year-old Black boy who was lynched in Mississippi in 1955 for whistling in a White woman’s presence. In fact, several scholars have highlighted similarities between the Till and Martin tragedies. One unexplored commonality is the manner in which defense counsel in both the Till and Martin trials used the trope of protecting White womanhood to get the jurors to psychologically identify and empathize with the defendants. Employing Multidimensional Masculinities Theory, this essay seeks to expose the role that the protection of White womanhood (and thus the preservation of White manhood) played in the killings of Till and Martin and in each of their killers’ defense strategies at trial. It does so by offering a history of lynching; explaining how White men demonstrated their ownership of White women and their dominance over Blacks by using violence against Black men who threatened the social order; and revealing how the defense attorneys in both the Till and Martin cases manipulated and employed the narrative of the White male protector of White women to facilitate acquittals for their clients. In so doing, it analyzes the transcript from the Till trial, a transcript previously believed to be lost forever until the FBI discovered the transcript upon its re-opening and investigation of the Till murder and released the transcript in 2006. Finally, utilizing excerpts from the trial transcript in the Martin case, this essay reveals how the trope of protecting White womanhood shaped the outcome in the Martin case, even though the stock narrative of needing White female protection from purportedly dangerous Black men was not at all related to the claims about Martin or charges against Zimmerman. In so doing, this essay reveals (1) how White womanhood has been abstracted to encompass not only a specific woman in an incident and to include not only a “man’s” home, but also to include broader spaces like gated communities, and (2) how that reality, coupled with the way that civil rights laws have made it harder for White men to bully Black men and the way that feminism has made it harder to subordinate women, has produced a new masculine anxiety for White men.

The link between stereotypical leader traits and perceived electability: Do Black women politicians face double jeopardy?

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Elizabeth Mosier ◽  
Evava Pietri
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Male ◽  
White Men ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
White Female ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Double Jeopardy ◽  
Leader Traits ◽  
Voting Intentions

This paper examined whether Black women political candidates face double jeopardy in voter perceptions of electability due to Black women being perceived as having fewer traditional leader traits compared to White male, White female, and Black male candidates. Due to increasing political polarization in the U.S., concerns over electability are at the forefront of many voters’ minds when casting their ballots. Traditional conceptions of electability are built upon racialized and gendered notions of what traits connote an effective leader; thus, women and racial minority candidates are often perceived as less electable compared to White men. However, research has not adequately examined the intersectional aspect of electability bias. The current study proposed a double jeopardy effect: we expected that participants (n = 454) would perceive Black women, compared to White men, White women, and Black men, as lower in competence and leadership ability, which would lead to lower electability perceptions and voting intentions. Unexpectedly, there were mixed findings for the effects of race/gender on competence and leadership ability, and we did not find any evidence that candidate race/gender related to electability or voting intentions. We discuss potential explanations for these null findings and suggest avenues for future research.

Abstract MP050: Race and Gender Group Specific Trends in Length of Stay for Acute Myocardial Infarction: The Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities (ARIC) study, 1987–2008

Circulation ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 125 (suppl_10) ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura R Loehr ◽  
Xiaoxi Liu ◽  
C. Baggett ◽  
Cameron Guild ◽  
Erin D Michos ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Length Of Stay ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
Quadratic Term ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Insurance Type ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Aric Study

Introduction: Since the 1980’s, length of stay (LOS) for acute MI (AMI) has declined in the US. However, little is known about trends in LOS for non-white racial groups and whether change in LOS is related to insurance type or hospital complications. Methods: We determined 22 year trends in LOS for nonfatal (definite or probable) AMI among black and white residents age 35–74 in 4 US communities (N=396,514 in 2008 population) under surveillance in the ARIC Study. Events were randomly sampled and independently validated using a standardized algorithm. All analyses accounted for sampling scheme. We excluded MI events which started after admission (n=1,677), events within 28 days for the same person (n=3,817), hospital transfers (n=571), and those with LOS=0 or LOS >66 (top 0.5% of distribution, N= 144) leaving 22,258 weighted events for analysis. The average annual change in log LOS was modeled using weighted linear regression with year as a quadratic term. All models adjusted for age and secondary models adjusted for insurance type (Medicare, Medicaid, private, or other), and complications during admission (cardiac arrest, cardiogenic shock, or heart failure). Results: The average age-adjusted LOS from 1987 to 2008 was reduced by 5 days in black men (9.5 to 4.5 days); 4.6 days in white women (9.4 to 4.8 days); 4 days in white men (8.3 to 4.3 days) and 3.6 days in black women (9.0 to 5.4 days). Between 1987 and 2008, the age-adjusted average annual percent change (with 95% CI) in LOS was largest for white men at −4.40 percent per year (−4.91, −3.89) followed by −3.89 percent (−4.52, −3.26) for white women, −3.72 percent (−4.46, −2.89) for black men, and −2.94 percent (−3.92, −1.96) for black women (see Figure). Adjustment for insurance type, and complications did not change the pattern by race and gender. Conclusions: Between 1987 and 2008, LOS for AMI declined significantly and similarly in men and women, blacks and whites. These changes appear independent of differences in insurance type and hospital complications among race-gender groups.

Abstract MP32: Race-sex differences in hyperlipidemia awareness, treatment and control in the Reasons for Geographic And Racial Differences in Stroke (REGARDS) study

Circulation ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 129 (suppl_1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Monika M Safford ◽  
Paul Muntner ◽  
Raegan Durant ◽  
Stephen Glasser ◽  
Christopher Gamboa ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Sex Differences ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
Risk Category ◽  
Chd Risk ◽  
And Control ◽  
Risk Categories

Introduction: To identify potential targets for eliminating disparities in cardiovascular disease outcomes, we examined race-sex differences in awareness, treatment and control of hyperlipidemia in the REGARDS cohort. Methods: REGARDS recruited 30,239 blacks and whites aged ≥45 residing in the 48 continental US between 2003-7. Baseline data were collected via telephone interviews followed by in-home visits. We categorized participants into coronary heart disease (CHD) risk groups (CHD or risk equivalent [highest risk]; Framingham Coronary Risk Score [FRS] >20%; FRS 10-20%; FRS <10%) following the 3 rd Adult Treatment Panel. Prevalence, awareness, treatment and control of hyperlipidemia were described across risk categories and race-sex groups. Multivariable models examined associations for hyperlipidemia awareness, treatment and control between race-sex groups compared with white men, adjusting for predisposing, enabling and need factors. Results: There were 11,677 individuals at highest risk, 847 with FRS >20%, 5791 with FRS 10-20%, and 10,900 with FRS<10%; 43% of white men, 29% of white women, 49% of black men and 43% of black women were in the highest risk category. More high risk whites than blacks were aware of their hyperlipidemia but treatment was 10-17% less common and control was 5-49% less common among race-sex groups compared with white men across risk categories. After multivariable adjustment, all race-sex groups relative to white men were significantly less likely to be treated or controlled, with the greatest differences for black women vs. white men (Table). Results were similar when stratified on CHD risk and area-level poverty tertile. Conclusion: Compared to white men at similar CHD risk, fewer white women, black men and especially black women who were aware of their hyperlipidemia were treated and when treated, they were less likely to achieve control, even after adjusting for factors that influence health services utilization.

The Not-So-New Southern Sexism

2019 ◽  
pp. 131-157
Author(s):  
Angie Maxwell ◽  
Todd Shields
Keyword(s):  
White Women ◽  
Working Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
Equal Rights Amendment ◽  
Equal Rights ◽  
Traditional Gender Roles ◽  
White Voters ◽  
Second Wave Feminism ◽  
Second Wave ◽  
White Womanhood

The stereotype of southern white womanhood is anything but new, and manipulating it for political gain became a critical part of the Long Southern Strategy. The stereotype strips women of their power, intelligence, and strength, casting them as delicate and in need of constant protection. Antebellum southern white men manufactured that vulnerability to justify the strict laws segregating the races that would protect white women from predatory black men. This notion of southern white womanhood clashed with Second-Wave Feminism and the ultimately failed effort to secure an Equal Rights Amendment. The feminist loss, however, was a major GOP gain, as the Republican establishment realized that traditional gender roles could be the next way to appeal to southern white voters. In due course, the GOP’s messaging tapped into and perpetuated a Modern Sexism, characterized by a distrust of ambitious women, a demonization of feminism, and a growing resentment toward working women.

scholarly journals Differential reporting of discriminatory experiences in Brazil and the United States

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (suppl 1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sarah Burgard ◽  
Debora de Pina Castiglione ◽  
Katherine Y. Lin ◽  
Aline A. Nobre ◽  
Estela M. L. Aquino ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
The United States ◽  
Group Differences ◽  
National Comparison ◽  
Nationally Representative ◽  
Using Data ◽  
Gender Groups ◽  
College Educated

Abstract: There has been little cross-national comparison of perceived discrimination, and few studies have considered how intersectional identities shape perception of discriminatory treatment in different societies. Using data from the ELSA-Brasil, a study of Brazilian civil servants, and the Americans’ Changing Lives Study, a nationally-representative sample of U.S. adults, we compare reports of lifetime discrimination among race-by-gender groups in each society. We also consider whether educational attainment explains any group differences, or if differences across groups vary by level of education. Results reveal higher lifetime discrimination experiences among Black respondents in both countries, especially Black men, than among Whites, and lower reports among White women than White men. Brown men and women also reported higher levels than White men in Brazil. For all race-by-gender groups in both countries, except Brazilian White men, reports of discrimination were higher among the more educated, though adjusting for educational differences across groups did not explain group differences. In Brazil, we found the greatest racial disparities among the college educated, while U.S. Black men were more likely to report discrimination than White men at all levels of education. Results reveal broad similarities across countries, despite important differences in their histories, and an intersectional approach contributed to identification of these similarities and some differences in discrimination experiences. These findings have implications for social and public health surveillance and intervention to address the harmful consequences of discrimination.

scholarly journals Inequalities in Hypertension and Diabetes in Canada: Intersections between Racial Identity, Gender, and Income

2017 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thierry Gagné ◽  
Gerry Veenstra
Keyword(s):  
Racial Identity ◽  
Black Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
Canadian Community Health Survey ◽  
The United States ◽  
Unequal Distribution ◽  
Community Health Survey ◽  
Using Data

<p>A growing body of research from the United States informed by intersectionality theory indicates that racial identity, gender, and income are often entwined with one another as determinants of health in unexpectedly complex ways. Research of this kind from Canada is scarce, however. Using data pooled from ten cycles (2001- 2013) of the Canadian Community Health Survey, we regressed hypertension (HT) and diabetes (DM) on income in subsamples of Black women (n = 3,506), White women (n = 336,341), Black men (n = 2,806) and White men (n = 271,260). An increase of one decile in income was associated with lower odds of hypertension and diabetes among White men (ORHT = .98, 95% CI (.97, .99); ORDM = .93, 95% CI (.92, .94)) and White women (ORHT = .95, 95% CI (.95, .96); ORDM = .90, 95% CI (.89, .91)). In contrast, an increase of one decile in income was not associated with either health outcome among Black men (ORHT = .99, 95% CI (.92, 1.06); ORDM = .99, 95% CI (.91, 1.08)) and strongly associated with both outcomes among Black women (ORHT = .86, 95% CI (.80, .92); ORDM = .83, 95% CI (.75, .92)). Our findings highlight the complexity of the unequal distribution of hypertension and diabetes, which includes inordinately high risks of both outcomes for poor Black women and an absence of associations between income and both outcomes for Black men in Canada. These results suggest that an intersectionality framework can contribute to uncovering health inequalities in Canada.</p><p><em>Ethn Dis.</em>2017;27(4):371-378; doi:10.18865/ ed.27.4.371. </p>

scholarly journals Identity and the Legislative Decision Making Process: A Case Study of the Maryland State Legislature

2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nadia Brown
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Black Women ◽  
African American Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
White Men ◽  
State Legislature ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Women Legislators ◽  
Men I

Both politicians and the mass public believe that identity influences political behavior yet, political scientists have failed to fully detail how identity is salient for all political actors not just minorities and women legislators. To what extent do racial, gendered, and race/gendered identities affect the legislation decision process? To test this proposition, I examine how race and gender based identities shape the legislative decisions of Black women in comparison to White men, White women, and Black men. I find that Black men and women legislators interviewed believe that racial identity is relevant in their decision making processes, while White men and women members of the Maryland state legislature had difficulty deciding whether their identities mattered and had even more trouble articulating how or why they did. African American women legislators in Maryland articulate or describe an intersectional identity as a meaningful and significant component of their work as representatives. More specifically, Black women legislators use their identity to interpret legislation differently due to their race/gender identities.

Age-, sex-, and race-related differences in myoglobin concentrations in the serum of healthy persons.

1980 ◽  
Vol 26 (13) ◽  
pp. 1864-1868 ◽  
Author(s):  
I W Chen ◽  
R David ◽  
H R Maxon ◽  
M Sperling ◽  
E A Stein
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Women ◽  
Age Groups ◽  
White Men ◽  
Reference Intervals ◽  
Creatinine Ratio ◽  
Healthy Individuals ◽  
Female Population ◽  
Serum Myoglobin

Abstract A radioimmunoassay was used to study the relation of race, sex, and age to serum myoglobin concentrations in ostensibly healthy individuals: 75 white men, 76 white women, 75 black men, and 66 black women, ranging in age from 20 to 85 years. Mean serum myoglobin values were significantly higher in men than in women in both races (35 vs 31 microgram/L for whites and 44 vs 29 microgram/L for blacks). Black men had higher values than white men, but no corresponding difference was observed in the female population. Except for the group of black men, which consistently had the highest values for serum myoglobin, values were always higher for the older groups (greater than or equal to 50 years) than the younger, irrespective of race or sex. Serum myoglobin and age were significantly and directly correlated only among white men (r = 0.3408 p &lt; 0.01, n = 75). If results were expressed as a myoglobin/creatinine ratio, the distinctions by race, sex, and age were partly eliminated. Reference intervals for serum myoglobin, expressed both ways, are given for different race, sex, and age groups.

scholarly journals Association of Resting Heart Rate With Blood Pressure and Incident Hypertension Over 30 Years in Black and White Adults

Hypertension ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 76 (3) ◽  
pp. 692-698 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura A. Colangelo ◽  
Yuichiro Yano ◽  
David R. Jacobs ◽  
Donald M. Lloyd-Jones
Keyword(s):  
Black Women ◽  
Black Men ◽  
Young Adulthood ◽  
White Women ◽  
Middle Age ◽  
White Men ◽  
Resting Heart Rate ◽  
Incident Hypertension ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Hazard Ratios

Few studies have assessed the association of resting heart rate (RHR) through young adulthood with incident hypertension by middle age. We investigated the association between RHR measured over 30 years with incident hypertension in a cohort of young Black and White men and women. A joint longitudinal time-to-event model consisting of a mixed random effects submodel, quadratic in follow-up time, and a survival submodel adjusted for confounders, was used to determine hazard ratios for a 10 bpm higher RHR. Race-sex specific effects were examined in a single joint model that included interactions of race-sex groups with longitudinal RHR. Out of 5115 participants enrolled in year 0 (1985–1986), after excluding prevalent cases of hypertension at baseline, 1615 men and 2273 women were included in the analytic cohort. Hypertension event rates per 1000 person-years were 42.5 and 25.7 in Black and White men, respectively, and 36.2 and 15.3 in Black and White women, respectively. The hazard ratios for a 10 bpm higher RHR were 1.47 (95% CI, 1.23–1.75), 1.51 (95% CI, 1.28–1.78), 1.48 (95% CI, 1.26–1.73), and 1.02, (95% CI, 0.89–1.17) for Black men, White men, White women, and Black women, respectively. Higher RHR during young adulthood is associated with a greater risk of incident hypertension by middle age. The association is similarly strong in Black men, White men, and White women, but absent in Black women, which may suggest racial differences in the effect of sympathetic nervous activity on hypertension among women.

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