Interview with Maurits R. Jochems

2007 ◽  
Vol 89 (866) ◽  
pp. 239-245 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Current Position ◽  
Foreign Service ◽  
The North ◽  
Export Policy ◽  
Arms Export

AbstractAmbassador Maurits R. Jochems is currently Deputy Assistant Secretary General for Operations in the International Secretariat of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). His functions include responsibility for the Alliance's work in the field of civil emergency planning. As a Dutch Foreign Service career diplomat, he has been seconded to NATO since August 2005. Before taking up his current position he was Director of International Security Policy in the Netherlands Ministry of Foreign Affairs, dealing with operations, NATO and EU security policy issues, UN disarmament and arms control, OSCE matters and arms export policy. He has also served at Dutch embassies in Kingston, Bonn, Beirut, Brussels (NATO) and Rome.

REGIONAL SECURITY DYNAMICS IN NORTHERN EUROPE (ON THE EXAMPLE OF NORWAY) IN THE LIGHT OF RECENT CHANGES

2020 ◽  
Vol 73 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-111
Author(s):  
D. Kalibekuly ◽  
◽  
Y.S. Chukubayev ◽  
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
Member Country ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Security System ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Northern Europe ◽  
The North ◽  
The North Atlantic ◽  
The Impact

The paper examines the dynamics of regional security in Norway as a part of Northern Europe. Being a political and geographical part of the Euro-Atlantic security system. Northern Europe, in its turn, is experiencing the impact of the confrontation between Russia and NATO. Norway's security policy analyzed from the perspective of a regional leader, as a NATO member country participating in the operations of the North Atlantic Alliance and as NATO's northern wing.

Between willing and reluctant entrapment: CEE countries in NATO’s non-European missions

2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 351-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Péter Marton ◽  
Jan Eichler
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Political Elites ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Military Operations ◽  
Security Dilemma ◽  
Foreign Missions ◽  
The North ◽  
Simple Set ◽  
Do So

The article focuses on Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries’ experiences related to Afghanistan, Iraq and Libya, three non-European theatres of Western military operations, in predominantly Muslim lands, in the decade between 2001 and 2011. CEE countries readily became involved in two of these foreign missions (Afghanistan and Iraq) because of their deep ties to Western politico-economic structures, without direct security interests compelling them to do so, but not without normative convictions regarding what were seen by them as virtues of the two missions. In Libya, however, they were reluctant to join the Western intervention. In light of this, the article is interested in examining how political elites within the region relate to the generally constrained security policy agency that they have. A key argument advanced is that such agency may be located in how external hegemony is mediated in elite discourses of threat and legitimacy construction. This as well as the three case studies outlined in the article show that the seeming changes in CEE countries’ behaviour in fact boil down to a simple set of rules guiding their behaviour. Having identified this “algorithm” as an implicit pattern of CEE foreign policy behaviour, originating in the intra-alliance security dilemma within the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), the article formulates its conclusions about the alliance policy of these countries largely within a neorealist framework.

Western European Union

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-351 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The North ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Demilitarized Zone ◽  
Western European ◽  
Foreign Ministers ◽  
Fourth Session ◽  
Supreme Commander

The Assembly of Western European Union (WEU) held the second part of its fourth session in Paris from December 17 to 20, 1958, under the presidency of Sir James Hutchison (British Conservative). In the course of the session, the Assembly was addressed by the Foreign Ministers of Belgium, the German Federal Republic, and the Netherlands, by the United Kingdom Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, by the Secretary-General of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (M. Spaak), and by the Supreme Allied Commander, Europe (General Norstad). The Supreme Commander considered that if a demilitarized zone was established in Europe, as suggested in the Rapacki Plan, his task would become impossible; M. Spaak also had little faith in a denuclearized zone, in an era of intercontinental missiles.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

1959 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-345 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Final Solution ◽  
The North ◽  
Greek Cypriot ◽  
The North Atlantic

During September and October 1958 the Permanent Council of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) discussed the question of Cyprus. On September 24, the Council heard M. Paul-Henri Spaak, Secretary-General of NATO, describe his visit on September 23 to Athens, where he had discussed problems connected with Cyprus with the Greek Prime Minister. His consultation had centered on a United Kingdom plan whereby there would be a seven-year partnership in Cyprus to provide a quiet atmosphere and proper conditions under which to work out a final solution; the plan had received the support of the Turks but not of the Greeks. M. Spaak proposed to the Council the calling of a conference in which the Greek, Turkish, and United Kingdom governments and representatives of the Greek Cypriot and Tyrkish Cypriot communities would take part.

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

1964 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 652-655 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
North Atlantic Treaty Organization ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Annual Conference ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Communist China ◽  
Test Ban

The ninth annual Conference of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) Parliamentarians was held in Paris on November 4–8, 1963. Addressing the parliamentarians, Mr. Dirk U. Stikker, Secretary-General of NATO, outlined the three essential aspects of the evolution in international relationships presently confronting the Alliance: first, relations between East and East—the rivalry between the Soviet Union and Communist China; secondly, relations between East and West—the questions arising from the Soviet Union's agreement to sign a partial test-ban treaty and the relations between the West and the uncommitted world; and, thirdly, relations between West and West—relations within the Atlantic Alliance itself.

NATO Ministers Meet in Berlin; Increase Flexibility, Strengthen European Dimension of the Alliance

1996 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 74-82
Keyword(s):  
North Atlantic ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Hard Work ◽  
The North ◽  
European Dimension ◽  
The North Atlantic

The North Atlantic Council met at the Intercontinental Hotel, Berlin, Germany. Let me begin by thanking and congratulating Secretary-General Solana for the immense contributions he has already made to the Alliance in his first six months in office. I also want to thank our German hosts, and Foreign Minister Kinkel in particular, for their hard work in organizing this historic Ministerial—the first meeting of the North Atlantic Council in a free and unified Berlin.

Arms Export Controls under Siege of Globalisation

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
John N. T. Helferich
Keyword(s):  
Security Policy ◽  
International Security ◽  
National Level ◽  
Export Control ◽  
Ir Theory ◽  
Export Controls ◽  
Arms Exports ◽  
Arms Export ◽  
German Security Policy ◽  
Control Regime

While defence industrial production is increasingly transnationalised, the control of arms exports still takes place almost exclusively on a national level. With the example of the German export control regime, this work analyses if the current situation yields arms export control risks that could undermine German security policy principles. Furhermore, inferences about IR theory are drawn based on the current regulation and its implementation. Looking at three particular case studies, this work finds that transnational production and trade indeed creates a number of arms diversion risks, however, these risks are predominantly a result of political choice rather than a phenomenon of hyper-globalisation. This work contributes to key discourses in International Security.

Shifting International Security Norms

2017 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-246
Author(s):  
Denise Garcia
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
North Atlantic ◽  
International Security ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Coup D'etat ◽  
The North ◽  
The World ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Global Norms

The world is going through a crisis of the international liberal order, exemplified by a host of recent shocks: the invasion and annexation of Crimea by Russia; the transnational dimensions of conflicts such as in Syria; the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union; the attempted coup d’état in Turkey and its reversal toward autocracy; and the election and rise of non-universalist and illiberal governments as well as politicians who operate under the populist rubric in countries that are viewed as beacons of democracy and stability. These shocks have catalyzed two outcomes. First, the prevailing global norms that serve as the custodians of peace and security have been the subject of revived debate. Second, and relatedly, these shocks have prompted deep reflection on the role of institutions such as the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), as well as the roles of the supposedly democratic members within those institutions.

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