Liberty, Security, and Terrorism: The Legal Position in Germany

2004 ◽  
Vol 5 (5) ◽  
pp. 435-460 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Lepsius

Just one day after the attacks of September 11, 2001, the German minister of the interior, Otto Schily (SPD), demanded a new security concept. Immediately the existing security laws and precautions were placed under special scrutiny in search for any sorts of deficiencies. The results of these reviews were two legislative initiatives, termed “security packages” or “anti-terror packages,” which changed or altered numerous existing statutes. The new security laws contain a number of infringements into fundamental civil rights and liberties. The legislative process thus had to raise the issue of the relationship between security and civil liberties and weigh the balance between the protection of individual rights and collective security. This, however, does not constitute a new challenge for the German legislature. The collision of security interests with individual civil liberties has caused a legal problem in Germany for some time. September 11 might constitute a political watershed, but in the context of civil liberties in Germany, this date does not represent an important mark. The current measures have to be understood within the context of an at least thirty-year-long period of continuous weighing between security and freedom.

Author(s):  
Mercedes Barros ◽  
Virginia Morales

En el presente artículo se aborda la relación entre populismo y derechos ciudadanos desde una perspectiva histórica y política, atendiendo a ciertos aspectos atribuibles al populismo en tanto fenómeno político específico y enfocando el análisis en una experiencia histórica determinada de los así llamados populismos clásicos. Puesto que de manera reiterada se ha señalado que los regímenes populistas suponen una convivencia conflictiva en el ejercicio efectivo de los derechos y libertades individuales, el objetivo del artículo se encamina a contribuir al esclarecimiento de esta tensión. En particular, se centra en la experiencia política del primer peronismo, dirigiendo la mirada sobre las implicaciones de este vínculo en la base de la sociedad. Para tal propósito, se recuperan ciertas matrices textuales heterodoxas, a través de las cuales se busca dilucidar la experiencia subjetiva que se forjó en torno al ejercicio de los derechos ciudadanos con el telón de fondo del discurso peronista.Abstract: This paper addresses the relationship between populism and civil rights from a political and historical perspective, paying attention to certain theoretical approaches that can be attributed to populism understood as a specific political phenomenon and focusing analysis on a certain historical experience of so called classical populisms. As time and time again it has been suggested that populism imply a conflictive coexistence between the effective exercise of individual rights and its freedoms. The aim of this paper is to feed the clarification of this tension. It focuses on the political experience of first peronismo. The paper aims to contribute to the clarification of the tension that characterizes this link, particularly focusing on its implications at the base of society. For this purpose, we recover certain heterodox textual matrices, in which we hope to elucidate the subjective experience that was forged around the exercise of civil rights against the backdrop of Peronist discourse.


Author(s):  
V.M. Marovdi

In this article the author considers the concept of restriction of individual rights in civil law, as well as the re-lationship between the concepts of restriction and encumbrance of civil rights. First of all, the lack of a legislative definition of the concept of restriction of individual rights in civil law, as well as the ambiguity of the position of the legislator on the use of the term restriction and its place among related conceptsIn writing this work, first of all, attention was paid to the Constitution of Ukraine, which is the Basic Law, which serves as a guide that establishes the general boundaries of human and civil rights. The connection of the provisions of the Constitution with the norms of the Civil Code of Ukraine within the framework of the chosen topic was presented. Emphasis is placed on the fundamental principle according to which the national legal system is built, namely: “everything is allowed that is not expressly prohibited by law.”The views of some scholars who adhere to their vision of the concepts under study are given. In addition, in this study, the relationship between the concepts of restriction and encumbrance of individual rights in civil law. In the process of writing this work, the positions of legal scholars who had relatively similar positions were given. They distinguish between the above concepts, and provide the relevant features. However, outside the scope of this study were many works of scientists who do not see a difference in these concepts.None of this was left out of the regulatory framework for the definition of the above concepts at the legislative level. In particular, it was found that in contrast to the concept of restriction of individual rights, including in civil law, the current legislation contains a definition of encumbrance. There are several acts that provide this definition. And in all cases, the definition is different.Based on the analysis of regulations, it was found that the legislator does not consistently approach the definition of encumbrance. In particular, in some cases the latter includes the encumbrancer’s right to the debtor’s movable property or restriction of such right, in others - prohibition or restriction of disposal and / or use of real estate, and in some cases the legislator identifies encumbrances and restrictions.According to the results of the study, the conclusions on the failure to define in national law the concept of re-strictions on the rights of persons in civil law, as well as the lack of a clear distinction between the concept of restric-tion of the right of person and encumbrance, in particular under civil law. There is a position on the need for further research on relevant topics, which will ensure clarity and clarity of the law, and promote its effective application, as well as consensus on this issue among scholars.


2020 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 1207-1227
Author(s):  
Marko Sukačić

The paper deals with the sale on approval of horses and mules shown in D.19,5,20 pr.- 1 (Ulpianus libro 32 ad edictum) and the existing theories on the legal position of the parties in the source. The first part of the paper sets out principium of D.19,5,20, where Ulpian quotes Labeo, and his description of the sale on approval of horses, concluded between the seller and the acrobatic rider – desultor, with a detailed analysis of the interpretations of relevant romanists. The principium is analyzed with the reference to dominant theories: theses on the suspensive and/or resolutive condition pactum displicentiae, on the innominate contract, and on pre-contractual acts. This is followed by an analysis of Ulpian’s sequel in the first paragraph of D.19,5,20 with a quotation of Mela, where he describes the sale on approval of mules, which are stolen during the test period, with Ulpian’s quote of Mela’s dilemma and of comparison with his own. Next part of the paper contains theories and interpretations of the legal nature of the relationship between the parties and the stage of contract. In conclusion, author presents his own position on the both presented situations, the legal nature of the relationship between the parties, and finally on the legal problem raised by Ulpian in the cited sources.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Anthony Gregory

This is a critical historiographical essay animated by the research question of how the decisions of police and sheriffs illuminated and drove the transformation of white supremacy through different forms from emancipation to the end of Jim Crow segregation. It situates this focus amidst current methodological trends that stress structural oppression and argues that law-enforcers’ agency could illuminate discussions among historians and other scholars about the relationship between formal and informal law alongside the rise of the modern criminological state. The historical importance of enforcers is accentuated in the story told in each section—the shifting demographics of enforcement during Reconstruction; the inequalities of policing alongside lynching in the last decades of the nineteenth century; the complex interplay between policing and segregation statutes, colorblind criminal law, and mob violence in the Jim Crow South; the concurrent modernization of racialized policing nationwide; and the displacement of informal mob law and formal racial caste by a national regime of extralegal police violence, unequal patterns of incarceration and execution, and federal protections of civil liberties and civil rights.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Scholes

Race, religion, and sports may seem like odd bedfellows, but, in fact, all three have been interacting with each other since the emergence of modern sports in the United States over a century ago. It was the sport of boxing that saw a black man become a champion at the height of the Jim Crow era and a baseball player who broke the color barrier two decades before the civil rights movement began. In this chapter, the role that religion has played in these and other instances where race (the African American race in particular) and sports have collided will be examined for its impact on the relationship between race and sports. The association of race, religion, and sports is not accidental. The chapter demonstrates that all three are co-constitutive of and dependent on each other for their meaning at these chosen junctures in American sports history.


2021 ◽  
Vol 95 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-340
Author(s):  
Laura Phillips Sawyer

A long-standing, and deeply controversial, question in constitutional law is whether or not the Constitution's protections for “persons” and “people” extend to corporations. Law professor Adam Winkler's We the Corporations chronicles the most important legal battles launched by corporations to “win their constitutional rights,” by which he means both civil rights against discriminatory state action and civil liberties enshrined in the Bill of Rights and the Constitution (p. xvii). Today, we think of the former as the right to be free from unequal treatment, often protected by statutory laws, and the latter as liberties that affect the ability to live one's life fully, such as the freedom of religion, speech, or association. The vim in Winkler's argument is that the court blurred this distinction when it applied liberty rights to nonprofit corporations and then, through a series of twentieth-century rulings, corporations were able to advance greater claims to liberty rights. Ultimately, those liberty rights have been employed to strike down significant bipartisan regulations, such as campaign finance laws, which were intended to advance democratic participation in the political process. At its core, this book asks, to what extent do “we the people” rule corporations and to what extent do they rule us?


2021 ◽  
pp. 104420732110231
Author(s):  
Carli Friedman ◽  
Laura VanPuymbrouck

The Americans with Disabilities Act (ADA) opened the doors to access and enhanced the civil rights of people with disabilities. However, a lack of accessibility to all segments of society continues throughout the United States and is frequently described by people with disabilities as a leading cause for limited participation. Beliefs and attitudes regarding disability can affect critical decisions regarding inclusion and people with disabilities’ civil rights. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to explore support and opposition to the ADA among nondisabled people. We had the following research questions: (a) What is the relationship between disability prejudice and support for the ADA? and (b) When controlling for disability prejudice, what other factors lead people to support the ADA? To do so, we examined secondary data from approximately 13,000 participants from all 50 states and the District of Columbia. Findings from this study revealed that people who oppose the ADA are significantly more prejudiced toward people with disabilities than people who support the ADA. Understanding and becoming aware of attitudes and prejudice toward persons with disabilities can be a first step toward dispelling such beliefs and possibly a priori step to achieving the intent and spirit of the ADA.


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