scholarly journals Populismo y derechos ciudadanos: anotaciones sobre un vínculo errante.

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (67) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Mercedes Barros ◽  
Virginia Morales
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Subjective Experience ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
The Relationship

En el presente artículo se aborda la relación entre populismo y derechos ciudadanos desde una perspectiva histórica y política, atendiendo a ciertos aspectos atribuibles al populismo en tanto fenómeno político específico y enfocando el análisis en una experiencia histórica determinada de los así llamados populismos clásicos. Puesto que de manera reiterada se ha señalado que los regímenes populistas suponen una convivencia conflictiva en el ejercicio efectivo de los derechos y libertades individuales, el objetivo del artículo se encamina a contribuir al esclarecimiento de esta tensión. En particular, se centra en la experiencia política del primer peronismo, dirigiendo la mirada sobre las implicaciones de este vínculo en la base de la sociedad. Para tal propósito, se recuperan ciertas matrices textuales heterodoxas, a través de las cuales se busca dilucidar la experiencia subjetiva que se forjó en torno al ejercicio de los derechos ciudadanos con el telón de fondo del discurso peronista.Abstract: This paper addresses the relationship between populism and civil rights from a political and historical perspective, paying attention to certain theoretical approaches that can be attributed to populism understood as a specific political phenomenon and focusing analysis on a certain historical experience of so called classical populisms. As time and time again it has been suggested that populism imply a conflictive coexistence between the effective exercise of individual rights and its freedoms. The aim of this paper is to feed the clarification of this tension. It focuses on the political experience of first peronismo. The paper aims to contribute to the clarification of the tension that characterizes this link, particularly focusing on its implications at the base of society. For this purpose, we recover certain heterodox textual matrices, in which we hope to elucidate the subjective experience that was forged around the exercise of civil rights against the backdrop of Peronist discourse.

Port Harcourt: Ibo Politics in Microcosm

1969 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 469-493 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Wolpe
Keyword(s):  
Political Change ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
National Unity ◽  
Political Experience ◽  
Port Harcourt ◽  
Post War ◽  
The One ◽  
The Relationship

To the political scientist concerned with the relationship between social and economic modernisation, on the one hand, and political change and integration, on the other, the Ibo experience has long held particular interest. In his pioneering study of Nigerian nationalism, James Coleman observed that Ibos had played a singular role in the post-war political era: ‘Ibos overwhelmingly predominated in both the leadership and the mass membership of the N.C.N.C., the Zikist Movement, and the National Church. Postwar radical and militant nationalism, which emphasized the national unity of Nigeria as a transcendent imperative, was largely, but not exclusively, an Ibo endeavor’1 But radical and militant pan-Nigerian nationalism was only one part of the Ibo political posture. No less noteworthy was the parallel development of a highly cohesive and organisationally sophisticated pan-Ibo movement, the very success of which ultimately undermined the pan- Nigerian aspirations of the Ibo-led N.C.N.C. and, subsequently, was one of several factors operating to impair the national legitimacy of an Ibo-led military régime. It is this paradoxical blending of ‘civic’ and ‘primordial’ sentiments which, perhaps, best defines the modern Ibo political experience2.

The Concept of Rights as Limits on Government

1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-9
Author(s):  
Jennifer Nedelsky
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Private Property ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Political Rights ◽  
Bill Of Rights ◽  
The People ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Central Argument ◽  
Republican Government

Most Americans take for granted the notion that the powers of government are circumscribed by individual rights. But this commonplace notion is, in fact, very complicated conceptually and poses difficult problems institutionally. This course explored both the conceptual and the institutional problems, from their origins to their contemporary manifestations. We began with the formation of the Constitution: the writing of the document in the Constitutional Convention of 1787, its ratification, the addition of the Bill of Rights in 1789, and the establishment of judicial review. As a starting point, I offered my own perspective through excerpts from my forthcoming book, Private Property and the Limits of American Constitutionalism: The Madisonian Framework and Its Legacy. My central argument is that the Framers' concern with protecting the rights of property distorted both their understanding of constitutionalism and the institutions they designed to implement that understanding. The Framers wanted to design a republican form of government based on the notion of consent by the governed, and thus some form of democratic (as we would call it today) representation. But the Federalists, whose views dominated the convention, also wanted to ensure that civil rights would be secure in the new republic. Property became the focus of their efforts to make the political rights implicit in republican government compatible with the security of civil rights. Unfortunately, their focus on the protection of unequal property, the property of the minority as threatened by the (future) propertyless majority, distorted their vision of the basic problem of protecting individual rights in a democracy. Their fears of the propertyless bred a focus on containing the political power of the people.

scholarly journals Bringing the Cross Pressures Thesis into the Digital Realm: Subjective Social Network Heterogeneity and Online Political Expression

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 144-163
Author(s):  
Matthew Jenkins
Keyword(s):  
Social Network ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Political Communication ◽  
Subjective Experience ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Expression ◽  
Network Heterogeneity ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Original Survey ◽  
The Relationship

Approaches to social network heterogeneity in political communication research tend to focus on the effect of accumulated interactions among individuals with different political views. This line of research has provided a number of rich insights into the nature of the relationship between sociality and political participation. At the same time, this research tradition has been hampered by inconsistent terminology, and it has not been updated to reflect the fact that the experience of engaging with politics through digital media produces a unique subjective experience wherein the user is made to address an imagined audience with a perceived set of characteristics. In this study I aim to accomplish three main objectives. First, I propose an adjustment to the conceptual framework used in the literature. Second, I introduce the concept of subjective social network heterogeneity to describe perceived heterogeneity in the political views of the imagined audience. Third, I investigate the relationship between subjective social network heterogeneity and political expression empirically, through an analysis of original survey data from Japan and South Korea. The results show that differences between the political views of an individual and the perceived political views of the imagined audience depresses political expression on social media in both countries, but that variance in the perceived views of the imagined audience is positively associated with political expression.      

scholarly journals On the issue of restriction of individual rights in civil law. Correlation between the concepts of restriction and encumbrance of civil rights

2021 ◽  
pp. 146-150
Author(s):  
V.M. Marovdi
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
Civil Law ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Basic Law ◽  
National Legal System ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Work First

In this article the author considers the concept of restriction of individual rights in civil law, as well as the re-lationship between the concepts of restriction and encumbrance of civil rights. First of all, the lack of a legislative definition of the concept of restriction of individual rights in civil law, as well as the ambiguity of the position of the legislator on the use of the term restriction and its place among related conceptsIn writing this work, first of all, attention was paid to the Constitution of Ukraine, which is the Basic Law, which serves as a guide that establishes the general boundaries of human and civil rights. The connection of the provisions of the Constitution with the norms of the Civil Code of Ukraine within the framework of the chosen topic was presented. Emphasis is placed on the fundamental principle according to which the national legal system is built, namely: “everything is allowed that is not expressly prohibited by law.”The views of some scholars who adhere to their vision of the concepts under study are given. In addition, in this study, the relationship between the concepts of restriction and encumbrance of individual rights in civil law. In the process of writing this work, the positions of legal scholars who had relatively similar positions were given. They distinguish between the above concepts, and provide the relevant features. However, outside the scope of this study were many works of scientists who do not see a difference in these concepts.None of this was left out of the regulatory framework for the definition of the above concepts at the legislative level. In particular, it was found that in contrast to the concept of restriction of individual rights, including in civil law, the current legislation contains a definition of encumbrance. There are several acts that provide this definition. And in all cases, the definition is different.Based on the analysis of regulations, it was found that the legislator does not consistently approach the definition of encumbrance. In particular, in some cases the latter includes the encumbrancer’s right to the debtor’s movable property or restriction of such right, in others - prohibition or restriction of disposal and / or use of real estate, and in some cases the legislator identifies encumbrances and restrictions.According to the results of the study, the conclusions on the failure to define in national law the concept of re-strictions on the rights of persons in civil law, as well as the lack of a clear distinction between the concept of restric-tion of the right of person and encumbrance, in particular under civil law. There is a position on the need for further research on relevant topics, which will ensure clarity and clarity of the law, and promote its effective application, as well as consensus on this issue among scholars.

Property

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Barducci
Keyword(s):  
Property Rights ◽  
Social Contract ◽  
Private Property ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Law Of War ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Commons ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 6 will focus primarily on the political implications of Grotius’ theory of ‘limited’ property as they concerned the relationship between the sphere of individual rights, the social contract, and the prerogatives of civil power. From the debate on the abolition of tithes in the early 1640s to the controversy between Filmer and Locke in the 1680s, the debates on property rights revolved around how much individuals could impropriate from the commons stock and, accordingly, on the limits and prerogatives of civil power in regulating private property. Grotius’ theory of property, along with his analysis of the law of war, were also components of Dutch and English expansion overseas.

scholarly journals La Universidad-Pueblo: Periodismo, política y democracia en el sur de México durante la década de 1970

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Ana Lilia Nieto Camacho ◽  
Rafael Alarcón Medina ◽  
Miguel Ángel Ríos
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Citizen Participation ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Public Life ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Social Project ◽  
The Relationship

The article analyzes the relationship between the State and universities in Mexico during the 1970s. From a socio-historical perspective, the academic and social project, Universidad-Pueblo, of the Universidad Autónoma de Guerrero (UAG) is addressed. The emphasis on written press makes it possible to observe how some higher education institutions and its students proposed critical models that were strongly articulated with social demands and left-wing movements amid an authoritarian political regime in which democratic institutional ways of citizen participation were virtually closed. The Universidad-Pueblo project is one of the most radical and complex experiences of this process and its study allows to analyze the relevance of universities within the state’s public life, as well as to consider the UAG as a democratic sphere in the political context of the state of Guerrero.

The relationship between religion and the state: the institution of ‘Commandment of the Faithful’ in Morocco†

2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 54-81
Author(s):  
Ahmed Al Khamlichi
Keyword(s):  
Political Authority ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Individual Rights ◽  
Social Unrest ◽  
Absolute Power ◽  
State Institutions ◽  
The Past ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship

The term ‘Amir al-Mou'mineen’ (Commander of the Faithful) and ‘caliph’ were first bestowed on Omar Bin al-Khattab who became the successor of the Prophet (Peace be upon him) two-and-a-half years after he passed away. By virtue of the political and religious connotations of the term, the title conveyed overarching political authority – a kind of absolute power. The notion of Commander of the Faithful facilitated oppression of those who held different views, directly or indirectly, through employing fatawa, that is religious interpretations and edicts, in addition to mobilizing religious followers and devotees. This excess of political power is based on the definition of Imarat al-Mu'mineen (Commandment of the Faithful) or the Caliphate common in religious jurisprudence. This definition was coined by Ibn Khaldoun, and may be translated as: ‘making people abide by the view of Shar (the Law of God in Islam) regarding their temporal and afterlife interests’. Morocco has been no different from the rest of the Islamic world over the centuries, and now two distinct phenomena are apparent. First, the emergence of different groups, each with its own ideology and claims to be defending religion and pursuing its implementation. Such groups consider all other ways of thinking as apostasy that must be eliminated; while juxtaposed to them, there exist intellectual currents calling for the continued separation of religion and the state and its laws. During the past two decades this phenomenon has led to tragic situations in a considerable number of Islamic states, whose prospects now seem very gloomy. Second, a tight regulation of state institutions, together with constitutional guarantees of individual rights and freedoms, can prevent the manipulation of the state in the name of religion, and its use for tyranny and the oppression of individuals and minorities, be it in the name of Commandment of the Faithful or any other term. It seems that Morocco is aware of the power of these two phenomena, especially after it faced social unrest in 1992 and 2001, which almost destroyed its stability.

scholarly journals Notes For Supporting An Epistemological Neuropsychology: Contributions From Three Perspectives

2013 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-118
Author(s):  
Mauricio Barrera Valencia ◽  
Liliana Calderón Delgado
Keyword(s):  
Subject Matter ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
The Other ◽  
Cognitive Neuropsychology ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Dual Status ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Brain ◽  
Epistemological Basis

A review of the epistemological basis of neuropsychology is done in order to clarify its foundations and its dual status as a discipline rooted in biology and psychology. This work is justified from two fundamental issues that are faced by neuropsychology: from an external perspective based on the upswing of certain disciplines, which by definition seem to have similar subjects of study to neuropsychology; however, given the complexity of the study of the relationship between the behavior and the brain, it leads to a duplicity of efforts that do not add anything to the understanding of the subject matter. On the other hand, from an internal perspective, the main issue appears when diverse theoretical positions are presented within neuropsychology as schools that must stand as if they were the only perspective. To provide a tentative answer, this paper reviews three theoretical approaches within neuropsychology: Russian reflexology and the cultural-historical perspective, connectionism, and cognitive neuropsychology. The conclusion leads towards a set of principles that, as a proposal, should guide the discipline development.

Configuring the region: maritime trade and port–hinterland relations in Bremen, 1815–1914

Urban History ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROBERT LEE
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Exchange ◽  
Interactive System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Maritime Trade ◽  
Port City ◽  
Cultural Innovation ◽  
Turn On ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
The Relationship

This article analyses the relationship between the port-city of Bremen and its different hinterlands. It examines four determinants of port–hinterland linkages: the political framework; the volume and pattern of trade; the extent and significance of population transfers; and Bremen's contribution to the transmission of cultural innovation. It focuses, in turn, on trade, migration and cultural exchange as distinct, but interrelated, fields of interaction and discusses new theoretical approaches for understanding the historical complexity of port–hinterland relations and the extent to which trading, migration and cultural hinterlands were part of an interactive system.

Politics of Affect

2021 ◽  
pp. 141-172
Author(s):  
Paul Earlie
Keyword(s):  
Social Sciences ◽  
The Political ◽  
Group Psychology ◽  
Self And Other ◽  
Theoretical Approaches ◽  
The Face ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Humanities And Social Sciences ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter explores the importance of affect in Derrida’s understanding of the political. The recent ‘affective turn’ in the humanities and social sciences is often seen as a turn away from the earlier ‘textualist’ models of poststructuralism. This chapter shows that affect is, however, central to deconstruction and to Derrida’s account of the relationship between subjectivity and the political, a relationship it traces to Derrida’s involvement in the 1980s with Philippe Lacoue-Labarthe’s and Jean-Luc Nancy’s Centre de recherches philosophiques sur le politique (Centre for Philosophical Research on the Political). Derrida’s writings on the political (le politique) and on politics (la politique) begin from the premise that the passionate bonds which tie us to ourselves and to others are always accompanied by anxiety in the face of loss or destruction. This aporia, which emerges in dialogue with Freud’s theory of affect and group psychology, is fundamental to the psychical (an)economy of the subject of deconstruction. The latter poses difficult questions to contemporary philosophical and theoretical approaches to affect, some of which are explored here. Texts such as Politiques de l’amitié (Politics of Friendship), Voyous (Rogues), and Le “concept” du 11 septembre (Philosophy in a Time of Terror) underscore how politics can exploit the fragility of the bond between self and other in promising an end to anxiety. For Derrida, however, such anxiety is interminable because it is part of the aporetic structure of subjectivity from the very beginning.

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