The effects of Mexican state security policies: New expressions of state violence, human rights and the production of subjectivities in the state of Guerrero

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mariana Mora
2008 ◽  
Vol 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maxwell Zhira

The Zimbabwean slate waged a sustained terror campaign in the southern and western parts of the country from 1982 to 1987. An estimated twenty thousand men, women, and children died during the campaign. Most victims were murdered by state security forces, and others succumbed to conditions of disease and deprivation. The origins, nature, and impact of this conflict are the subject of considerable contention, particularly between analysts, human rights activists, and the government of President Robert Mugabe. Official inquiries into the conduct of the state and its agents have had difficulty gaining access to relevant records, and the government has repeatedly denounced the findings of independent investigations as slanderous. The terror operation waged in Matebeleland and the Midlands provinces can be used as evidence to argue that the government of President Mugabe from early on in its rule developed a tradition of using violence and intolerance as a tool for consolidating political power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 103-116
Author(s):  
Olyvia Sindiawaty ◽  
Mercy Marvel

Intelligence Policy has often been heard in the realm of law, especially with government agencies held in Indonesia. One of them is the immigration agency, which is under the auspices of the Ministry of Law and Human Rights. The implementation of the policy is still minimal, although in fact it is contained in article 1 of Law No. 6 of 2011 number 30, as well as article 74. There are still many that need to be addressed, both in the applicable legal rules and with implementation in the field. The fact that sometimes the Immigration Officer is sometimes mixed in its own definition of intelligence and oversight. Are they the same or different and how to distinguish the two. Recognizing the fact that immigration is increasingly compacted by traffic activities in and out of foreigners and citizens and their supervision, a qualified intelligence is needed in maintaining the upholding of the country's sovereignty. It is an obligation, especially for immigration to safeguard the country as stated in the immigration function, is part of the affairs of the state government in providing Immigration services, law enforcement, state security, and community welfare development facilitators. Therefore, immigration should take part in enforcing supervision and security of the state in the field of law. Immigration intelligence which is under the auspices of the Directorate of Intelligence and immigration enforcement should need to be developed more thoroughly as a whole. So, it is hoped that in the future the Indonesian state will have total sovereignty over the country and its own people.


Author(s):  
Pamela Neumann

Femicidio refers to the murder of a woman because of her gender. Feminicidio emphasizes the role of the state in enabling these crimes and the impunity with which they are treated. Feminist legal activism and the development of supranational and regional human rights instruments throughout the 1990s and 2000s were essential to the development of femicidio/feminicidio laws across Latin America. As of 2018, such laws were in effect in 18 countries across the region. However, the precise content and scope of laws criminalizing femicidio/feminicidio vary. For example, in the case of Mexico, transnational feminist legal activism, including a case brought before the Inter-American Human Rights Court, was essential to shaming the Mexican state into codifying feminicidio. This process was facilitated by the presence of feminist legislators within the Mexican legislature, who advocated for such legislation. In the case of Nicaragua and Peru, local feminist advocacy and copious documentation of the scope of the problem of femicidio/feminicidio proved more significant in the ultimate codification of femicidio/feminicidio. However, the legal advances against gender violence achieved in Nicaragua in 2012 were subsequently undone due to pressure from men’s rights and religious conservatives, leading to the weak implementation of the law criminalizing femicidio.


Author(s):  
Ishmael Kwabla Hlovor

AbstractAfrican borderlands are sites where the state, borderlanders, criminal groups, and other groups compete and cooperate to achieve diverse interests. They are also zones of competing perspectives on security. However, current border security policies and practices operate within a restrictive neorealist theoretical paradigm with the state as the referent object of security thereby ignoring other perspectives on security. The vulnerabilities of borderlanders and the role of the border as a source of livelihood demand new ways of thinking about African borders in order to incorporate these major stakeholders into the bordering process. Although the adoption of the African Union's integrated border management strategy holds the potential to reconcile the needs of borderlanders with the objectives of the state, it remains within the restrictive neorealist framework. This paper argues that an emancipatory security theory provides an appropriate framework to understand African borders and borderlands. This theory holds the key for enhancing the security of African borders by reconciling the needs of borderlanders with the objectives of state security, and thereby making people and communities the referent objects of security. However, the failure of the theory to engage with the concept of power limits its usefulness.


2014 ◽  
pp. 331
Author(s):  
José Ascención Moreno Mena ◽  
Lya Margarita Niño Contreras

Categoría: Comunicado Fecha de recepción: 28 de mayo de 2012 Fecha de aprobación: 11 de julio de 2012 Resumen Se explora el impacto de las políticas de migración y seguridad implementadas por el Estado mexicano en los derechos humanos de los migrantes y sus defensores. Nos apoyamos en información arrojada en ejercicios de grupos focales con miembros de las Organizaciones Civiles (OC) en los años 2010 y 2011, en documentos elaborados por ellos mismos, así como en entrevistas a sus líderes más representativos. Encontramos que en la estrategia de seguridad del gobierno ha estado ausente un enfoque de seguridad humana, esa carencia ha permitido la proliferación de distintas violaciones a los derechos humanos así como la criminalización de los migrantes y sus defensores. De igual forma se detectó la existencia de fisuras que obstaculizan el desempeño de las políticas mencionadas; así como la proliferación de actores que acentúan la vulnerabilidad de los sujetos en cuestión, al menos 63 defensores de derechos humanos han sido asesinados, otros 158 están bajo medidas cautelares. Palabras clave: seguridad, migrantes, derechos humanos, organizaciones civiles, defensores. Summary The impact of migration and security policies implemented by the Mexican State on the human rights of migrants and their defenders is explored. Support is gained from information yielded by the focus groups exercises carried out with members of Civil Organizations (COs) during 2010 and 2011 (1), both in documents of the COs themselves, or in interviews carried out with their most prominent leaders. We found that in the government’s security strategy a human security approach is absent, whereby such lack has resulted in various human rights violations and the criminalization of migrants and their advocates; it has also lead to the existence of fractures that hinder the performance of such policies, and to the proliferation of players that stress the vulnerability of the players subject matter herein: 63 human rights defenders have been slain, and the Inter-American Human Rights System has issued 158 precautionary measures. Key words: security, migrants, human rights, civil organizations, defenders.


Author(s):  
Gustavo Rojas Paez

This chapter discusses the role of retaliation in the Transitional Justice Scenarios of Argentina and Colombia, drawing attention to the continuation of state violence and human rights violations in these two South American countries following the implementation of legal and non- legal mechanisms of TJ. Subsequently, it attempts to demonstrate how the implementation of TJ mechanisms may fall short in preventing cycles of violence that allow powerful actors, linked to the interests of the state, to continue performing the retaliatory practices that historically caused major ‘social harm' in the transitional societies . The rationale of this article consists of two central questions: How can transitional societies deal with both the legacy and reconfiguration of state violence? Moreover, to what extent do orthodox understandings of law and TJ serve as a means for the recreation of the retaliatory practices that shaped the conflicts that TJ measures are supposed to address?


Author(s):  
Gustavo Rojas Paez

This chapter discusses the role of retaliation in the Transitional Justice Scenarios of Argentina and Colombia, drawing attention to the continuation of state violence and human rights violations in these two South American countries following the implementation of legal and non- legal mechanisms of TJ. Subsequently, it attempts to demonstrate how the implementation of TJ mechanisms may fall short in preventing cycles of violence that allow powerful actors, linked to the interests of the state, to continue performing the retaliatory practices that historically caused major ‘social harm' in the transitional societies . The rationale of this article consists of two central questions: How can transitional societies deal with both the legacy and reconfiguration of state violence? Moreover, to what extent do orthodox understandings of law and TJ serve as a means for the recreation of the retaliatory practices that shaped the conflicts that TJ measures are supposed to address?


Significance Persistent physical crackdowns against the country’s largest Shia group, and Abuja's refusal thus far to hear Zakzaky’s testimony at a forthcoming presidential panel investigating military violence against civilians, presents a serious potential flashpoint for the federal government. Impacts Despite posing little direct threat to the state, violence against IMN protests will persist. Human rights groups will use persecution of IMN members to further undermine Western backing for the Nigerian military. Unfounded fears of Shia violence will focus local resources away from more pressing priorities -- such as pastoralist-farmer conflicts.


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