scholarly journals RECENT ADVANCES IN TITANIUM TECHNOLOGY IN THE UNITED STATES

2020 ◽  
Vol 321 ◽  
pp. 01007
Author(s):  
Dongjian(Don) Li ◽  
Vasisht Venkatesh

Substantial progress has continued in the US since the last (13th) World Titanium Conference with regards to titanium technology, products, processing, computational modeling tools and applications. Titanium components produced by additive manufacturing have been qualified and achieved production applications in commercial and military aircraft hardware. New high-performance titanium alloys have been developed for higher temperature service and applications requiring more demanding static and dynamic properties. Current production processes for titanium have been optimized, and new processes have been developed to further reduce cost and improve product quality. Titanium suppliers, OEM’s, government labs and academia are working closely together to address fundamental industry-wide issues. Computer modeling is now used extensively in industrial and research facilities to accelerate the pace and success of these developments.

2003 ◽  
Vol 76 (4) ◽  
pp. 876-891 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. N. Datta ◽  
A. G. Talma ◽  
S. Datta ◽  
P. G. J. Nieuwenhuis ◽  
W. J. Nijenhuis ◽  
...  

Abstract The use of thiurams such as Tetramethyl thiuram disulfide (TMTD) or Tetrabenzyl thiuram disulfide (TBzTD) has been explored to achieve higher cure efficiency. The studies suggest that a clear difference exists between the effect of TMTD versus TBzTD. TMTD reacts with Bis (triethoxysilylpropyl) tetrasulfide (TESPT) and this reaction can take place even at room temperature. On the other hand, the reaction of TBzTD with TESPT is slow and takes place only at higher temperature. High Performance Liquid Chromatography (HPLC) with mass (MS) detection, Nuclear Magnetic Resonance Spectroscopy (NMR) and other analytical tools have been used to understand the differences between the reaction of TMTD and TESPT versus TBzTD and TESPT. The reaction products originating from these reactions are also identified. These studies indicate that unlike TMTD, TBzTD improves the cure efficiency allowing faster cure without significant effect on processing characteristics as well as dynamic properties. The loading of TESPT is reduced in a typical Green tire compound and the negative effect on viscosity is repaired by addition of anhydrides, such as succinic anhydride, maleic anhydride, etc.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 30-46
Author(s):  
V. N. Minat

The trade policy pursued by the US government certainly provides as one of the most important measures to stimulate the export of those commodity groups that determine the development of the  country's  economy,  shape  its  innovative  nature  and  the  possibilities  for  the  expansionist promotion of American capital in the global, global geo-economic space. Such goods include high tech products of the American manufacturing industry, the forms, means, tools and methods of export  promotion  of  which  are  the  subject  of  this  study.  Having  studied  the  evolutionary dynamics  of  the  volume  and  structure  of  the  stimulating  elements  of  export  regulation  of American high-tech products  for  the  period  1946–2019,  we  identified  long-term trends characterizing the effective combination of assistance, encouragement, assistance and support to national exporters of the relevant commodity groups in the foreign trade activities of the United States. Based on the results of the study, conclusions are drawn about the unconditional priority of  stimulating  the  export  of  high-tech  products  of  the  US  manufacturing  industry  during  the entire  period  under  consideration,  characterized  by  a  flexible combination of the use of appropriate  forms,  means,  tools  and  methods  of  this  stimulation.  The  author  emphasizes  the primacy of expediency and efficiency in the choice of directions for the expansionary promotion of high-tech products of the American economy to the foreign market, which, of course, is of practical interest for Russian use.


2000 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis M. Hsu ◽  
Judy Hayman ◽  
Judith Koch ◽  
Debbie Mandell

Summary: In the United States' normative population for the WAIS-R, differences (Ds) between persons' verbal and performance IQs (VIQs and PIQs) tend to increase with an increase in full scale IQs (FSIQs). This suggests that norm-referenced interpretations of Ds should take FSIQs into account. Two new graphs are presented to facilitate this type of interpretation. One of these graphs estimates the mean of absolute values of D (called typical D) at each FSIQ level of the US normative population. The other graph estimates the absolute value of D that is exceeded only 5% of the time (called abnormal D) at each FSIQ level of this population. A graph for the identification of conventional “statistically significant Ds” (also called “reliable Ds”) is also presented. A reliable D is defined in the context of classical true score theory as an absolute D that is unlikely (p < .05) to be exceeded by a person whose true VIQ and PIQ are equal. As conventionally defined reliable Ds do not depend on the FSIQ. The graphs of typical and abnormal Ds are based on quadratic models of the relation of sizes of Ds to FSIQs. These models are generalizations of models described in Hsu (1996) . The new graphical method of identifying Abnormal Ds is compared to the conventional Payne-Jones method of identifying these Ds. Implications of the three juxtaposed graphs for the interpretation of VIQ-PIQ differences are discussed.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Ann Abate Michelle

This essay argues that in spite of their obvious Biblically-based subject matter, clear Christian content, and undeniable evangelical perspective, the Left Behind novels for kids are not simply religious books; they are also political ones. Co-authors Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins may claim that their narratives are interested in sharing the good news about Jesus for the sake of the future, but they are equally concerned with offering commentary on contentious US cultural issues in the present. Given the books’ adolescent readership, they are especially preoccupied with the ongoing conservative crusade concerning school prayer. As advocates for this issue, LaHaye and Jenkins make use of a potent blend of current socio-political arguments and of past events in evangelical church history: namely, the American Sunday School Movement (ASSM). These free, open-access Sabbath schools became the model for the public education system in the United States. In drawing on this history, the Left Behind series suggests that the ASSM provides an important precedent for the presence not simply of Christianity in the nation's public school system, but of evangelical faith in particular.


Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.


2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (9) ◽  
pp. 861-879
Author(s):  
Edson Roberto Vieira ◽  
◽  
Daniel Henrique Alves Reis ◽  

The objective of this study is to analyze the determinants of Brazilian exports by levels of technological intensity in the period 2000-2015. Gravity models were estimated for total of the exports and for each type of exports by levels of technological intensity, using the PPML-estimator. The study indicates that there is a process of concentration of Brazilian exports in low technology and medium-low technology products, at the same period in which China's share of total Brazilian shipments abroad grew. Estimates of empirical gravity models have shown that the income and size of the consumer market of Brazil’s trading partners seem to have the greatest positive influence on the Brazilian exports. Indications of this study are that the Brazil should continue to diversify its trading partners to minimize the impacts of a possible reduction of the economic growth of large trading partners (such as China and the US) on its exports and increase its exports of products with greater technological intensity. The results also highlight the need for Brazil to make greater efforts to increase its competitiveness in the international market to reduce the negative impacts of transport costs on the final prices of products exported by the country.


Author(s):  
Ana Elizabeth Rosas

In the 1940s, curbing undocumented Mexican immigrant entry into the United States became a US government priority because of an alleged immigration surge, which was blamed for the unemployment of an estimated 252,000 US domestic agricultural laborers. Publicly committed to asserting its control of undocumented Mexican immigrant entry, the US government used Operation Wetback, a binational INS border-enforcement operation, to strike a delicate balance between satisfying US growers’ unending demands for surplus Mexican immigrant labor and responding to the jobs lost by US domestic agricultural laborers. Yet Operation Wetback would also unintentionally and unexpectedly fuel a distinctly transnational pathway to legalization, marriage, and extended family formation for some Mexican immigrants.On July 12, 1951, US president Harry S. Truman’s signing of Public Law 78 initiated such a pathway for an estimated 125,000 undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers throughout the United States. This law was an extension the Bracero Program, a labor agreement between the Mexican and US governments that authorized the temporary contracting of braceros (male Mexican contract laborers) for labor in agricultural production and railroad maintenance. It was formative to undocumented Mexican immigrant laborers’ transnational pursuit of decisively personal goals in both Mexico and the United States.Section 501 of this law, which allowed employers to sponsor certain undocumented laborers, became a transnational pathway toward formalizing extended family relationships between braceros and Mexican American women. This article seeks to begin a discussion on how Operation Wetback unwittingly inspired a distinctly transnational approach to personal extended family relationships in Mexico and the United States among individuals of Mexican descent and varying legal statuses, a social matrix that remains relatively unexplored.


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