scholarly journals The USA, Russia and China as a Center of Influence in Global Economy

2021 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 09009
Author(s):  
Irina Minakova ◽  
Tatyana Bukreeva ◽  
Olga Solodukhina ◽  
Artyom Golovin

Research background. Due to the significant role that the United States, Russia and China play in the world political and economic processes, US-Russia-China relations can be recognized as the most important interstate relations in the world, setting the direction for the transformation of the international system. Nowadays, the study of these trilateral relations is a relevant scientific task. The authors, on a systematic basis, have investigated the aspects of interaction between the USA, Russia and China in the modern economy, which opened the way for solving the key issues of international relations. The authors have published several papers on this issue in Russia and abroad, including publications in Scopus and Web of Science indexed journals. Purpose of the article is to analyse the US-Russia-China relations and to determine the directions of their development in the context of globalization of the world economy. Methods. To analyse the interests, a systematic method was used that allows considering the interests of the United States, China and Russia as an holistic, complex mechanism with elements constantly interacting with each other. Findings & Value added. Despite geographical, linguistic, religious, and other distinctions, the United States, China, and Russia have a lot in common. There were historical periods of active and positive cooperation between these three major superpowers. In our opinion, in spite of the current contradictions between the parties, Russia, China and the United States have a mutual concern in harmonizing trilateral interests. However, the existed contradictions are not insoluble.

2018 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Krishnakumar S.

With Donald Trump as President of United States, multilateralism in the world economy is facing an unprecedented challenge. The international economic institutions that have evolved since the fifties are increasingly under the risk of being undermined. With the growing assertion of the emerging and developing economies in the international fora, United States is increasingly sceptical of its ability to maneuvre such institutions to suit its own purpose. This is particularly true with respect to WTO, based on “one country one vote” system. The tariff rate hikes initiated by the leader country in the recent past pose a serious challenge to the multilateral trading system. The paper tries to undertake a critical overview of the US pre-occupation of targeting economies on the basis of the bilateral merchandise trade surpluses of countries, through the trade legislations like Omnibus Act and Trade Facilitation Act. These legislations not only ignore the growing share of the United States in the growing invisibles trade in the world economy, but also read too much into the bilateral trade surpluses of economies with United States and the intervention done by them in the foreign exchange market.


Author(s):  
L. L. Fituni

The article lays out a hypothesis that the global order slides into a new bipolarity in the context of the escalating geo-economic and geopolitical confrontation between the two poles that currently dominate the world - the United States and China. The neo-bipolar construction cannot yet be regarded as an established new world order, but the general movement of the world economy and international relations in this direction is obvious. The neo-bipolar bipolar confrontation manifest itself with varying intensity in different regions of the world. The author argues that at present the peripheral regions which are strategically important for the prospects of competition are becoming an important testing ground for relatively “safe” elaboration of methods and tactics of geo-economic rivalry and h mutual exchange of systemic attacks. Today, Africa has become practically the leading theater of the new bipolar confrontation. The article analyzes the economic, military and strategic aspects of the rivalry between the United States and China on the African continent. It provides a comparative analysis of the new African strategies of the two superpowers adopted at the end of 2018. The author asserts that in the context of the emerging global bipolarity, the strategies of the USA and China represent antagonistic programs based on fundamentally different initial messages. In the case of the US strategy, this is to deter by denial the spread of the competitor’s influence using tough policies, including forceful (while not necessarily military) confrontational actions. While China seeks to neutralize the opposition of the United States and its allies to Beijing’s expansion on the continent and to win the freedom of interaction with any partners in Africa causing minimal direct confrontation possible. Therefore, despite the seemingly “peripheral” importance of the confrontation on the continent, for the establishment of a neo-bipolar world order, the proclamation of the new US regional geopolitical strategy, which focuses on the containment of China in the name of protecting democracy and independence, can serve not only for Africa, but for the whole planet the same milestone signal as Churchill’s Fulton speech for the final advent of bipolarity in the postwar world.


Subject Prospects for the global economy to end-2019. Significance The world economy is likely to grow by around 3% this year. This is the lower end of the 3.0-3.5% range expected six months ago. World trade is weakening amid the US-China conflict and productivity is not picking up. China is expanding fiscal policy and others may follow, perhaps Germany and the United States. Monetary tightening is off the table and some countries may loosen policy. However, this will mainly shore up growth rather than raising it.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-371 ◽  
Author(s):  
Terrie Walmsley ◽  
Peter Minor

In 2018, the United States (US) Administration initiated several trade actions, including tariffs on China for unfair trade practices outlined by the US Trade Representative (USTR). In response, China filed requests for consultations with the World Trade Organization (WTO) and has implemented or threatened to implement increased tariffs on US products. In this article, the implications of current and potential US trade actions and responses by China on the US and global economy are estimated. We employ a dynamic supply chain model based on the widely used Global Trade Analysis Project (GTAP) Data Base and model. Our analysis finds that US gross domestic product (GDP) would be reduced by a projected –0.86 per cent in 2030 (or US$227.8 billion in 2017 dollars), as the role of the USA in global supply chains declines significantly. China’s GDP would also decline considerably by 2.84 per cent as a result of the actions imposed against it, while the rest of the world gain, as they fill the gaps left by US and Chinese producers. JEL: F16, C68


2019 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 502-510 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frederick W. Mayer ◽  
Nicola Phillips

AbstractSince US President Donald J. Trump took office in January 2017, the future of the global economy has looked distinctly uncertain. This is not because a process of clear and purposeful change can be said to be underway. Instead, it is because of a pattern of piecemeal, inconsistent and contradictory fragments of policy, both domestic and international in orientation, in the arenas of trade, taxation, business relations, finance and banking, social and welfare provision, immigration, and environmental protection, whose cumulative significance remains unclear. The modest task of this essay is therefore to sketch the contours, patterns, inconsistencies and confusions presented by the Trump administration's approach to shaping the US economy and, by extension, the global economic order, and on that basis to offer an interpretation of its emerging implications for inequality both within the United States and across the world.


2020 ◽  
pp. 19-36
Author(s):  
Byambakhand Luguusharav ◽  
Bolormaa Budjav

Republican candidate Donald J. Trump, who ran in the 2016 US presidential elections with a slogan “Make America Great Again” defined his foreign policy as “America First”. He set out to balance the long-running deficit of the United States, which led to the US-China trade war. The war not only affected the economies of Washington and Beijing but also it had a devastating effect on the world economy. The first part of the article discusses the concept of a trade war, while the second part analyzes the origins, causes, and course of the trade war between the United States and China, and the trade agreement between the two countries that have temporarily stopped the trade war. At the end of the article, the positive and negative implications of the US-China trade war on the economies of both countries and the global economy will be reviewed. АНУ-БНХАУ-ын худалдааны дайн, дэлхийн эдийн засагт үзүүлсэн нөлөө Хураангуй: АНУ-ын Ерөнхийлөгчийн 2016 оны сонгуульд “Америкийг дахин агуу болгоё” гэсэн мөрийн хөтөлбөртэй оролцсон Д.Трамп ялалт байгуулж, өөрийн гадаад бодлогыг “Америкийг эн тэргүүнд тавих” хэмээн тодорхойлсон юм. Улмаар тэрээр олон жилийн туршид асар их алдагдалтай явж ирсэн Америкийн гадаад худалдааны балансыг тэнцвэржүүлэх зорилт дэвшүүлсэн нь АНУ- БНХАУ-ын худалдааны дайн гарахад нөлөөлсөн. Энэ дайн нь Вашингтон, Бээжингийн эдийн засагт нөлөөлөөд зогсохгүй дэлхийн эдийн засгийг доргилтонд оруулаад байна. Толилуулан буй өгүүллийн эхний хэсэгт худалдааны дайны тухай ойлголтыг авч үзэх бол хоёрдугаар хэсэгт АНУ-БНХАУ-ын хооронд өрнөсөн худалдааны дайны үүсэл, шалтгаан, өрнөл, энэ дайныг түр зогсоогоод байгаа хоёр улсын худалдааны хэлэлцээрт дүн шинжилгээ хийнэ. Өгүүллийн төгсгөлд, АНУ-БНХАУ-ын худалдааны дайн нь хоёр улсын эдийн засагт төдийгүй дэлхийн эдийн засагт үзүүлсэн эерэг, сөрөг нөлөөлийн талаар дүн шинжилгээ хийсэн болно. Түлхүүр үгс: АНУ, БНХАУ, худалдааны дайн, дэлхийн эдийн засаг, тариф


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 136-156
Author(s):  
Yu. V. MOROZOV ◽  

The article describes the relative weight of the nuclear power world stages trio – the United States, China and Russia, which form a “strategic triangle” in the field of global economy and politics, as well as their relationship to each other. Special attention paid to the problems and prospects of Russia's development in the XXI century for the interests of its transformation into one of the world's leading power. The first section of the article is devoted on the US contribution to the global balance power and analyses its role and place in the economy in the XXI century. The article concludes same annalistic results concerning the role and place of the “strategic triangle” factors in the global coordinate system of the world community.


Author(s):  
Goncharenko A.V.

The article researches the position of the United States on the issue of naval arms restriction in the early 20-ies of the XX century. There are outlined causes, the course and the consequences of the intensification of Washington’s naval activity during the investigated period. It is explored the process of formation and implementation of the US initiatives to limit naval weapons before and during the Washington Peace Conference of 1921–1922. The role of the USA in the settlement of foreign policy contradictions between the leading countries of the world in the early 20-ies of the XX century is analyzed. In the early 20’s of the XX century there have been some changes in the international relations system and the role of the USA in it. Despite the isolation stance taken by Washington, the White House continues its policy of «open doors» and «equal opportunities», promoting the elimination of unequal agreements between foreign countries with China, and attempts to influence the position of European countries and Japan in the naval contest issues and limitation of naval weapons. Taking full advantages, which were giving the United States’ the richest country and world creditor status, the US Department of State has stepped up its US impact in the Asia-Pacific region. The new Republican administration succeeded in offsetting the failures of the Paris Decisions of 1919–1920 and began to СУМСЬКА СТАРОВИНА 2019 №LIV 75 construct a new model of international relations in which the United States would occupy a leading position. The success of US diplomacy at the Washington Peace Conference of 1921– 1922 contributed to this. However, the conflict between the former allies within the Entente was only smoothed out and not settled. The latter has led to increasing US capital expansion into Europe due to the significant economic growth in the country. Despite the fact that the Republicans’ achievements in US foreign policy on local issues have been much more specific than trying to solve the problem of a new system of international relations globally, these achievements have been rather relative. Leading countries in the world were still making concessions to the White House on separate issues, but in principle they were not ready to accept the scheme of relations offered by the States. That is why American foreign policy achievements have been impermanent. Key words: the


Although the global economy nurtured at a noteworthy pace in 2018 (3.7 per cent according IMF and 2.9 per cent according to World Bank) on the back of a strong fiscal expansion in the USA and easy monetary policy by the central banks around the world, the risks to the stance for worldwide economy are tilted downwards on the concerns of monetary tightening cycle and slowdown in the global trade. IMF slashed its global growth outlook from 2019 to 2020 marginally lower to 3.5% and 3.6% respectively, mainly due to undesirable properties of tariff gallops ratified in the economies of US and Chinese, and lighter drive in Europe in the post-half yearly of 2018. Growths in the United States are likely to sluggish to 2.5 per cent in 2019 and 1.8 per cent in 2020 as we had compared from 2.9 per cent in 2018. Progression in the Euro area set to moderate from 1.8 per cent in 2018, 1.6 per cent in 2019 and 1.7 per cent in 2020. Japan’s economy set to disseminate by 1.1 per cent in 2019 and to 0.5 per cent in 2020.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-54
Author(s):  
Silvia Spitta

Sandra Ramos (b. 1969) is one of the few artists to reflect critically on both sides of the Cuban di-lemma, fully embodying the etymological origins of the word in ancient Greek: di-, meaning twice, and lemma, denoting a form of argument involving a choice between equally unfavorable alternatives. Throughout her works she shines a light on the dilemmas faced by Cubans whether in Cuba or the United States, underlining the bad personal and political choices people face in both countries. During the hard 1990s, while still in Havana, the artist focused on the traumatic one-way journey into exile by thousands, as well as the experience of profound abandonment experienced by those who were left behind on the island. Today she lives in Miami and operates a studio there as well as one in Havana. Her initial disorientation in the USA has morphed into an acerbic representation and critique of the current administration and a deep concern with the environmental collapse we face. A buffoonlike Trumpito has joined el Bobo de Abela and Liborio in her gallery of comic characters derived from the rich Cuban graphic arts tradition where she was formed. While Cuba is now represented as a rotten cake with menacing flies hovering over it ready to pounce, a bombastic Trumpito marches across the world stage, trampling everything underfoot, a dollar sign for a face.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document