In Pursuit of the Right to be Free from Violence: the Women’s Movement and State Accountability in Uruguay

Author(s):  
Niki Johnson
Author(s):  
Petra Mitić ◽  

In its attempts to defend the right of women to claim their own subjectivity,as well as the equal right to participate in the social system institutions, the mainstream of feminist thinking has been marked crucially by the question of woman and her identity. This question could be said to occupy a central place in feminist texts and discussions which started even before the women’s movement was officially created. But since feminist disagreements about how these issues should be approached appropriately have already resulted in serious misunderstandings and mutually severe accusations, this paper aims at shedding light at the very nature of these polarities. In doing so, the focus has been placed on how the terms equal and different have been theorised. These dissenting voices have certainly proved productive in the context of theory itself, but have done much harm in the domain of social activism which failed to initiate truly substantial changes within western society and culture. The same countereffect is also visible in theory, which has generated a diversity of feminisms, but has definitely failed to offer a comprehensive critique of the perniciously repressive culture. The lack of gender equality has always been an important dimension of this culture, but still just a segment and one particular mechanism of the invisible matrix which has never actually stopped producing binary hierarchies. They are being manifested in different forms today but have retained fundamentally unchanged and unchallenged structures, promoting an ideologically induced perception of reality to appear natural and self-evident. The paper puts forward the claim that a humanistic and anti-capitalist feminism is a framework broad enough to overcome all exclusions and one-sided definitions and to head towards one such comprehensive feminism – bringing us back to the original radicalism of the women’s movement. To do so, it is necessary to reconsider the general confusion within postmodernist discourse, and especially the controversy related to what humanism should stand for today.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (1/2020) ◽  
pp. 141-164
Author(s):  
Marie Therese Mundsperger

Although it is largely unknown, women had some voting rights in the 19th century in the Habsburg monarchy, especially the right to vote in the municipality and on the provincial level. Suffrage at that time was based on the two pillars of property and education rather than gender. It was undisputed for a long time that women could get the right to vote due to their tax payments. The fact that women could also be included into the ‘intelligence’ electoral class was controversial, as shown by some decisions by the Austrian high courts. It was only towards the end of the 19th century that the gender criterion began to prevail in election regulations and women were increasingly excluded from the right to vote, which led to the emergence of the Austrian women’s movement. The monarchy fell in 1918 and the granting of universal women’s voting rights was finally embodied in the proclamation of the Austrian republic on 12 November 1918.


This chapter discusses liberal feminism, divided into liberal feminism and libertarian feminism. The liberal variant of liberal feminism sees freedom as personal autonomy and political autonomy. The exercise of personal autonomy depends on some enabling conditions that are insufficiently present in women's lives and other elements of women's flourishing. Autonomy deficits like these are due to the patriarchal nature of inherited traditions and institutions, and that the women's movement should work to identify and remedy them. Liberal feminists believe that the state should be the women's movement's ally in promoting women's autonomy. The libertarian variant of feminism sees freedom as freedom from coercive interference. It believes that both women and men have a right to such freedom due to their status as self-owners. Coercive state power is justified only to the extent necessary to protect the right to freedom from coercive interference. Feminism's political role is to bring an end not only to laws that limit women's liberty but also to laws that grant special privileges to women.


1980 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 3-7
Author(s):  
George J. Annas

The title of Tom Wolfe's current best seller, The Right Stuff, refers to those qualities — manliness, fearlessness, survivability, and recklessness — that characterize successful test pilots in general, and Mercury astronauts in particular. A similar list could be compiled to characterize successful surgeons. It would likely include decisiveness, confidence, dexterity, and dedication. The list would be unlikely to include open-mindedness or a concern to present patients with all the options available for particular disease conditions.This “self-righteous silence” has recently brought the wrath of the women's movement down on surgeons who perform breast cancer operations without informing their patients about alternatives. And in 1979 Massachusetts became the first state to enact a law requiring physicians to provide “a patient suffering from any form of breast cancer” with “complete information on all alternative treatments which are medically viable.” This column examines the reaction to the law.


ICR Journal ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-132
Author(s):  
Omer Caha

This article emphasises the development of the Muslim women’s movement in Turkey. It traces the historical roots of this movement as well as its evolution towards two different understandings of women. It is clearly seen that there exist two main approaches to the role of women among Islamic groups: while the traditional Islamic understanding strives to maintain women’s traditional roles notwithstanding that it advocates the right to benefit from modern education, another understanding challenges this and tries to ensure women’s existence on a ‘womanly’ base in the public life. The author attempts also to depict the story of how Muslim women have attempted to be articulated in the public sphere, their 50-year struggle to achieve that goal, as well as the discourses, values and symbols that have generally been centred on the ‘headscarf debates’.  


Author(s):  
Sara Burke

This article argues that during the 1870s, members of the Anglo-Canadian women’s movement targeted university co-education in their first radical assault on separate spheres ideology, deliberately exploiting the discourses of both individual and racial progress to openly contest established definitions of middle-class womanliness. Rather than accept the evolutionist theory that white women’s contribution to the race was solely reproductive – that they were passive recipients of the benefits of male progress – reformers in Ontario argued that Anglo-Saxon women had an active, vital role to play in the ongoing work of racial advancement. Reformers linked the right of middleclass women to higher education to the much larger issue of the continued progress of the Anglo- Saxon race. By championing co-education, members of the women’s movement were promoting a blueprint for social change in which the daughters as well as the sons of the new Dominion would assume their responsibility to regenerate Anglo-Saxon civilization.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146144482094384
Author(s):  
Ali Khalil ◽  
Leysan Khakimova Storie

This article explored the use of social media and mobile communication by women in Saudi Arabia who campaigned for the right to drive from 1990. Due to the globally unique ban on women driving in the Kingdom, females always needed a male driver to transport them. The Saudi government announced in September 2017 that women would be allowed to drive from June 2018. Using the theory of connective action, the article explored the role of social media in the movement for the right to drive, and looked at how activists used digital media platforms to get their messages across to the Saudi publics and the international community. Findings showed that both connective action and collective action offer tactics that can complement each other in an online movement. In addition, results offer in-depth insights about the role of identity in online movements. Threats to and limitations of online movements are also discussed.


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