scholarly journals The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Laštro ◽  
Florian Bieber
Keyword(s):  
Party Systems ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
Institutional Strategies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Opposition Parties

AbstractThis article investigates opposition to the competitive authoritarian regimes in Montenegro (1997–2020), North Macedonia (2006–2017), and Serbia (2012–). In each of the three countries, opposition parties face or have faced the challenge of competing on an electoral playing field that is structurally skewed in favour of the incumbent. The articles explore the question in which circumstances opposition parties have been able to contest the dominant parties. In doing so, it focuses on three dimensions, namely the relationship between spatial party competition, different levels of opposition cohesion or fragmentation, as well as extra-institutional strategies of contestation. The country comparison illustrates that party systems with cross-cutting cleavages tend to produce divided patterns of contestation (Montenegro and Serbia), whereas reinforcing cleavages facilitate the coordination among different types of opposition actors (North Macedonia). Finally, large protests, rather than boycotts, prior to elections have been important factors in facilitating opposition cohesion and signalling broad support (Montenegro and North Macedonia).

Opposition Party Strategy and Spatial Competition in Dominant Party Regimes

2002 ◽  
Vol 35 (7) ◽  
pp. 755-783 ◽  
Author(s):  
KENNETH F. GREENE
Keyword(s):  
Spatial Competition ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Modified Model ◽  
Dominant Party ◽  
Party Strategy ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
Public Opinion Polls ◽  
Depth Interviews ◽  
Opposition Parties

This article provides a non-formal modification of the standard spatial model of party competition to make it more applicable to the study of opposition parties in dominant party systems in transition. Dominant parties' virtual monopoly over resources forces challengers to rely on activist-based strategies. Challengers then face the problem of balancing programmatically radical activists against the moderate preference of the median voter. The article shows that opposition parties' programmatic locations depend on the number of competing parties. Contrary to standard expectations, it finds that two-party competition between the incumbent and one challenger produces a center-fleeing strategy by the challenger, whereas three-party competition between the incumbent and two challengers yields center-seeking strategies by both challengers. The second half of the article applies this modified model to the case of Mexico. Data come from in-depth interviews, electoral returns, public opinion polls, and original sample surveys of national party leaders and activists.

scholarly journals MASS MOBILIZATION AND AUTOCRATIC CONCESSIONS: AN EMPIRICAL STUDY

2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-106
Author(s):  
Andrey Semenov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Empirical Study ◽  
Institutional Theory ◽  
Statistical Modeling ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Mass Movements ◽  
Mass Mobilization ◽  
Subsequent Research ◽  
Representation Of Interests ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Opposition Parties

Why are some authoritarian regimes more inclined to make concessions to mass movements than others? In this article, based on the institutional theory of autocracies, I posit that institutionalized regimes should be more prone to concessions than regimes without parties and elected parliaments. This expectation is due to the capacity of the institutions to provide an opportunity for negotiation and representation of interests of mass movements, thus I expect the dictators in such regimes to bow more frequently to the demands of mass movements. Using the NAVCO database, the Barbara Geddes typology, and indicators of the institutionalization of autocracies, I test hypotheses about the relationship between institutions and concessions on a global sample of authoritarian regimes from 1946 to 2010. The results of statistical modeling do not confirm the hypotheses and, if anything, demonstrate that there are no serious differences between the types of authoritarian regimes regarding compliance with the demands of mass movements; moreover, the institutionalized autocracies are somewhat less inclined to satisfy the demand than dictatorships without elected parliaments and independent opposition parties. This empirical pattern points to a number of interesting questions for subsequent research on the links between institutions and the dynamics of mobilization in authoritarian regimes.

Subnational Turnover, Accountability Politics, and Electoral Authoritarian Survival: Evidence from Museveni's Uganda

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-173
Author(s):  
Sam Wilkins
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Local Competition ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Authoritarian Survival

Most non-democratic regimes engineer elections such that regime change is effectively impossible via the ballot. However, many of these elections see high turnover of politicians at the subnational level, often through competitive processes that occur within ruling parties. This is the case for President Yoweri Museveni's dominant National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Uganda, the ranks of which have been decimated by intra-party competition at each election throughout its three decades in power. This competition includes high levels of voter participation in mass primaries and general elections and is particularly acute in the rural southern areas where Museveni's simultaneous presidential candidacy draws most support. Based on qualitative data from the 2016 elections, this article investigates the relationship between this local, intra-party competition and Museveni's survival, building a theory that local competition in electoral authoritarian regimes can provide an outlet for accountability politics by redirecting widespread voter frustrations away from a regime and towards expendable local politicians.

Subnational Turnover, Accountability Politics, and Electoral Authoritarian Survival: Evidence from Museveni’s Uganda

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Wilkins
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Local Competition ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Authoritarian Survival

Most non-democratic regimes engineer elections such that regime change is effectively impossible via the ballot. However, many of these elections see high turnover of politicians at the subnational level, often through competitive processes that occur within ruling parties. This is the case for President Yoweri Museveni’s dominant National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Uganda, the ranks of which have been decimated by intra-party competition at each election throughout its three decades in power. This competition includes high levels of voter participation in mass primaries and general elections and is particularly acute in the rural southern areas where Museveni’s simultaneous presidential candidacy draws most support. Based on qualitative data from the 2016 elections, this article investigates the relationship between this local, intra-party competition and Museveni’s survival, building a theory that local competition in electoral authoritarian regimes can provide an outlet for accountability politics by redirecting widespread voter frustrations away from a regime and towards expendable local politicians.

The (Mis) Education of Immigrant Children in Today’s America

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 32
Author(s):  
Gabriela E. Gui
Keyword(s):  
General Education ◽  
Immigrant Students ◽  
Geographical Location ◽  
Personal Characteristics ◽  
Immigrant Children ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Survey Interviews ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
General Education Classrooms

In today’s America, not every child starts on a level playing field, and very few children move ahead based solely on hard work or talent. Generational poverty and a lack of cultural capital hold many students back, robbing them of the opportunity to move up professionally and socially. Children of immigrants are especially at-risk because, in addition to facing poverty, race, geographical location or economic disadvantages, they are also confronted with failure due to their limited or non-existent English proficiency. This study focuses on the degree to which teachers in a mid-sized urban school district take into consideration the individual needs of immigrant children in the process of their education. The study also examines the preparation teachers have had to equip them with knowledge of best practices in teaching immigrant children, and the relationship between teachers’ practices, beliefs, and their demographic and personal characteristics (age, gender, years of experience, level of education, etc.). Quantitative data was collected via a survey. Interviews with teachers and one central office administrator provided data for the qualitative section of the study. The findings revealed that teachers, in general, appeared to lack knowledge of specific policies for mainstreaming immigrant students into general education classrooms; their use of effective teaching practices for working with immigrant children were limited; and most of the teachers had not participated actively in professional development that focused on teaching immigrant children.

The Social and Attitudinal Basis of Political Parties: Cleavage Politics Revisited

2008 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 287-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zsolt Enyedi
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
Social Embeddedness ◽  
Democratic Representation ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Relationship

As a result of various political and non-political developments, the socio-culturally anchored and well structured character of European party systems has come under strain. This article assesses the overall social embeddedness of modern party politics and identifies newly emerging conflict-lines. It draws attention to phenomena that do not fit into the trend of dealignment, and discusses the relationship between group-based politics and democratic representation.

scholarly journals Psychological contract breach and voluntary turnover among newcomers: the role of supervisor trustworthiness and negative affectivity

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Émilie Lapointe ◽  
Christian Vandenberghe
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Contract ◽  
Negative Affectivity ◽  
Voluntary Turnover ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Psychological Contract Breach ◽  
Contract Breach ◽  
Indirect Relationship ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract This article looks at the relationship between psychological contract breach and voluntary turnover among newcomers, using supervisor trustworthiness as a mediator and negative affectivity as a moderator. Relying on data from 243 newcomers, psychological contract breach was found to be negatively related to the three dimensions of supervisor trustworthiness, i.e., ability, benevolence, and integrity. Supervisor integrity further mediated a positive relationship between psychological contract breach and voluntary turnover measured 8 months later. Psychological contract breach interacted with negative affectivity such that it was less negatively related to dimensions of supervisor trustworthiness at high levels of negative affectivity. The indirect relationship of psychological contract breach to voluntary turnover as mediated by supervisor integrity was also weaker at high levels of negative affectivity. We discuss the implications of these findings for research and practice.

The interpreters’ point of view on ELF at the European Commission: “A completely uneven playing field”

2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-215
Author(s):  
Cristina Scardulla
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
Target Population ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Lingua Franca ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Successful Communication ◽  
European Institutions ◽  
Promising Solution ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Communicative Effectiveness

AbstractThe use of English as a Lingua Franca is a promising solution to the overcoming of language barriers in a wide variety of contexts and, despite being formally governed by the principle of multilingualism, the European institutions are no exception. This paper aims at shedding light on the perception on the use of ELF within the European Commission, by presenting the results of a questionnaire carried out within the framework of a broader PhD project. The target population is that of interpreters working for the European Commission. The analysis focuses on two specific questions, which address interpreters in their role as communication experts, inviting them to momentarily set aside their opinion on the relationship between ELF and interpretation and rather assess ELF in terms of “communicative effectiveness,” considered as an essential component to a successful communication. Results confirm previous ITELF (Interpreting, Translation and English as a Lingua Franca) studies, in that interpreters believe that ELF tends to decrease the level of communicative effectiveness and that, based on their direct experience, less than half of the speakers in these meetings succeed at expressing themselves effectively when using ELF. Most importantly, they elaborate on what this loss of effectiveness entails in terms of communication quality, interlocutors’ participation rights and multilingualism.

scholarly journals Inequality, policy polarization and the income gap in turnout

2021 ◽  
pp. 135406882110119
Author(s):  
Matthew Polacko
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
Low Income ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
Income Gap ◽  
Income Groups ◽  
Logistic Regressions ◽  
Negative Impacts ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

Previous research into the relationship between income inequality and turnout inequality has produced mixed results, as consensus is lacking whether inequality reduces turnout for all income groups, low-income earners, or no one. Therefore, this paper builds on this literature by introducing supply-side logic, through the first individual-level test of the impact that income inequality (moderated by policy manifesto positions) has on turnout. It does so through multilevel logistic regressions utilizing mixed effects, on a sample of 30 advanced democracies in 102 elections from 1996 to 2016. It finds that higher levels of income inequality significantly reduce turnout and widen the turnout gap between rich and poor. However, it also finds that when party systems are more polarized, low-income earners are mobilized the greatest extent coupled with higher inequality, resulting in a significantly reduced income gap in turnout. The findings magnify the negative impacts income inequality can exert on political behavior and contribute to the study of policy offerings as a key moderating mechanism in the relationship.

Party Matters

2009 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Hopkin
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Institutional Change ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
National Party ◽  
Strategic Responses ◽  
British Labour ◽  
Real Picture ◽  
The Relationship

This article addresses the relationship between political decentralization and the organization of political parties in Great Britain and Spain, focusing on the Labour Party and the Socialist Party, respectively. It assesses two rival accounts of this relationship: Caramani's `nationalization of politics' thesis and Chhibber and Kollman's rational choice institutionalist account in their book The Formation of National Party Systems. It argues that both accounts are seriously incomplete, and on occasion misleading, because of their unwillingness to consider the autonomous role of political parties as advocates of institutional change and as organizational entities. The article develops this argument by studying the role of the British Labour Party and the Spanish Socialists in proposing devolution reforms, and their organizational and strategic responses to them. It concludes that the reductive theories cited above fail to capture the real picture, because parties cannot only mitigate the effects of institutional change, they are also the architects of these changes and shape institutions to suit their strategic ends.

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