Subnational Turnover, Accountability Politics, and Electoral Authoritarian Survival: Evidence from Museveni's Uganda

2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-173
Author(s):  
Sam Wilkins
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Local Competition ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Authoritarian Survival

Most non-democratic regimes engineer elections such that regime change is effectively impossible via the ballot. However, many of these elections see high turnover of politicians at the subnational level, often through competitive processes that occur within ruling parties. This is the case for President Yoweri Museveni's dominant National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Uganda, the ranks of which have been decimated by intra-party competition at each election throughout its three decades in power. This competition includes high levels of voter participation in mass primaries and general elections and is particularly acute in the rural southern areas where Museveni's simultaneous presidential candidacy draws most support. Based on qualitative data from the 2016 elections, this article investigates the relationship between this local, intra-party competition and Museveni's survival, building a theory that local competition in electoral authoritarian regimes can provide an outlet for accountability politics by redirecting widespread voter frustrations away from a regime and towards expendable local politicians.

Subnational Turnover, Accountability Politics, and Electoral Authoritarian Survival: Evidence from Museveni’s Uganda

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sam Wilkins
Keyword(s):  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Local Competition ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Local Politicians ◽  
General Elections ◽  
Resistance Movement ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Authoritarian Survival

Most non-democratic regimes engineer elections such that regime change is effectively impossible via the ballot. However, many of these elections see high turnover of politicians at the subnational level, often through competitive processes that occur within ruling parties. This is the case for President Yoweri Museveni’s dominant National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Uganda, the ranks of which have been decimated by intra-party competition at each election throughout its three decades in power. This competition includes high levels of voter participation in mass primaries and general elections and is particularly acute in the rural southern areas where Museveni’s simultaneous presidential candidacy draws most support. Based on qualitative data from the 2016 elections, this article investigates the relationship between this local, intra-party competition and Museveni’s survival, building a theory that local competition in electoral authoritarian regimes can provide an outlet for accountability politics by redirecting widespread voter frustrations away from a regime and towards expendable local politicians.

scholarly journals The Performance of Opposition Parties in Competitive Authoritarian Regimes: Three Case Studies from the Western Balkans

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Claudia Laštro ◽  
Florian Bieber
Keyword(s):  
Party Systems ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
Three Dimensions ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Playing Field ◽  
Dominant Parties ◽  
Institutional Strategies ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Opposition Parties

AbstractThis article investigates opposition to the competitive authoritarian regimes in Montenegro (1997–2020), North Macedonia (2006–2017), and Serbia (2012–). In each of the three countries, opposition parties face or have faced the challenge of competing on an electoral playing field that is structurally skewed in favour of the incumbent. The articles explore the question in which circumstances opposition parties have been able to contest the dominant parties. In doing so, it focuses on three dimensions, namely the relationship between spatial party competition, different levels of opposition cohesion or fragmentation, as well as extra-institutional strategies of contestation. The country comparison illustrates that party systems with cross-cutting cleavages tend to produce divided patterns of contestation (Montenegro and Serbia), whereas reinforcing cleavages facilitate the coordination among different types of opposition actors (North Macedonia). Finally, large protests, rather than boycotts, prior to elections have been important factors in facilitating opposition cohesion and signalling broad support (Montenegro and North Macedonia).

scholarly journals The Effects of The Multiparty Regimes on Economic Growth and The Technological Changes

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-180
Author(s):  
Constantin Plamadeala
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Technological Changes ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Sustainable Economic Growth ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between types of multiparty regimes and economic growth represents a disputed issue in nowadays. The aim of this essay is to examine the differences between multiparty authoritarian regimes and multiparty democratic regimes and their effects on sustainable economic growth and technological changes.

The functions and positions of political parties in consociational democracies: theoretical and empirical contexts

2020 ◽  
pp. 28-33
Author(s):  
O. Morhuniuk
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Party System ◽  
Party Competition ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Past ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
Further Development

An article is devoted to the analysis of the functions and formats of political parties in consociational democracies. In particular, it is defined that parties that represent the interests of certain subcultures in society and that reach a consensus among themselves at the level of political agreements are called segmental. At the same time, parties that encapsulate different subgroups of the society that cooperate inside the party within main features of the consociational theory (grand coalition, mutual veto, proportionality in representations, and independence of segments or society subcultures) are called consociational. The theory of consociationalism has received a wide range of theoretical additions and criticism from political scientists over the past fifty years. And while political parties should have been, by definition, one of the key aspects of research within such democratic regimes (parties are part of large coalitions and agents of representation of certain subcultures), there is very scarce number of literature that focuses on this aspect. Therefore, the presented article provides a description of the functions of political parties that could be observed as inside their subcultures as well as in interaction with other segmental parties. Based on the experience of two European countries in the period of “classical” consociationalism (Belgium and the Netherlands), we explain the functions of the parties we have defined in such societies with examples of relevant consociational practices in them. Simultaneously with the analysis of segmental parties, the article also offers the characteristics of consociational parties. The emergence of such parties has its own institutional and historical features. The way of further development of the party system and the level of preservation of consociational practices makes it possible to understand the nature of changes in the societies. Similarly, the analysis of the forms of party competition and interaction between segmental parties makes it possible to outline the forms of those consociational changes that are taking place in the research countries.

scholarly journals Employer branding and employee engagement of furniture retailer in Klang Valley

2018 ◽  
Vol 56 ◽  
pp. 02003
Author(s):  
Raemah Abdullah Hashim ◽  
Mohamad Azlan Mohamad Nor
Keyword(s):  
Employee Engagement ◽  
Important Variable ◽  
Retail Trade ◽  
Future Research ◽  
Employer Branding ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Klang Valley ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Relationship

The paper discussed on the relationship between employer branding and employee engagement among employees in selected furniture retailers in Malaysia. This study also looks into the state of employees’ engagement and gender differences in their engagement towards their organization. Furniture retailing falls under the retail trade industry that contributed about RM35.7 billion to Malaysia GDP in 2017 with expected growth of 8.7 percent. However, the industry suffers an average yearly employee turnover rate of 13 percent. Amid this high turnover, the raising question is can popularity of employers’ branding can result in employee engagement leading to their retention in the organisation. 350 respondents were chosen randomly and 120 (30%) respondents had given feedback on the personally administered questionnaires. The result revealed that there is significant relationship between employer branding and employee engagement. The study also indicated that work challenging is the most important variable which led to drive the employee engagement. Consequently, there is significant difference between male and female in terms of engagement. Organisation, hence may consider leveraging employee engagement which may lead to retaining their employees. Future research may consider researchers to pursue a longitudinal method of research design across a variety of firm-sizes and industries that would be more significant in making generalizations.

scholarly journals Civil Society and Pro-Democracy Social Movements: Troubled Relations Within Authoritarian Regimes?

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Murad Nasibov
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Civil Society ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Collective Actions ◽  
Organic Solidarity ◽  
Mechanical Solidarity ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Conceptual Relationship

This article tries to conceptually lay down the troubled relations between civil society and social movements within authoritarian regimes. This is done by, first, bringing clarity to the conceptual relationship between civil society and social movement and, then, applying it to the authoritarian context, still theoretically. Following the “hints” of the Eastern European intellectuals of the late 1970s and the 1980s and building on the appropriation of Durkheim’s differentiation between mechanical solidarity and organic solidarity, the article distinguishes two types of solidarity: associative solidarity and action and collective solidarity and action. Civil society is proposed to emerge on associative solidarities (and their actions), while social movements build on collective solidarities (and their actions). Furthermore, associative and collective actions are identified to be progressive and transgressive, respectively. Consequently, the proposed theoretical account is applied theoretically to the authoritarian context and several hypotheses are proposed on the relationship between civil society and pro-democracy movement within authoritarian regimes.

scholarly journals Epidemiological study on the relationship among menopausal condition, bone fragility, and knee osteoarthritis

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eiji Sasaki ◽  
Daisuke Chiba ◽  
Seiya Ota ◽  
Yuka Kimura ◽  
Shizuka Sasaki ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Regression Analysis ◽  
Knee Osteoarthritis ◽  
Epidemiological Study ◽  
Odds Ratio ◽  
Weight Bearing ◽  
Predictive Marker ◽  
P Value ◽  
Mineral Density ◽  
High Turnover ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract Background: Knee osteoarthritis (KOA) occurs more often in middle-aged females. While this age-group experiences comorbid osteoporosis with menopause, its influence on KOA has not been clarified. This epidemiological study aimed to investigate the relationship between menopausal conditions, bone mineral density (BMD), and KOA. Methods: A total of 518 female volunteers who participated in the Iwaki cohort study were enrolled and divided into groups (pre- and post-menopause). Antimullerian hormone (AMH) was measured as a predictive marker for menopause in the pre-menopausal subjects. Weight-bearing anterior-posterior knee radiographs were classified by Kellgren-Lawrence grade, and grade ≥ 2 was defined as definitive KOA (DKOA). Early KOA (EKOA) was defined by Luyten’s criteria, and BMD was measured at a distal radius. The relationship between menopausal condition, BMD, and KOA was analyzed by ROC and regression analysis. Results: Fifty-two participants (10.0%) were diagnosed with EKOA and 204 (39.4%) with DKOA. A total of 393 (75.9%) females began menopause, and the prevalence of DKOA was up to 48.1% and >12.0% in pre-menopause females (p < 0.001, Odds ratio: 6.79). From the ROC analysis in pre-menopausal females, cut-off value of AMH for detecting EKOA was 0.08 ng/ml (AUC: 0.712, p5%CI: 0.527 to 0.897, p-value: 0.025, Odds ratio: 8.28). Regression analysis showed that lower AMH was related to EKOA (p=0.035, Odds ratio: 5.55) and DKOA (p=0.032, Odds 1.59), and lower BMD and high turnover bone metabolism were correlated with DKOA. Conclusions: KOA increased after menopause and was correlated with lower BMD. Furthermore, reduction in AMH was a valuable biomarker for the detection of EKOA.

Mobilizing Restraint: Democracy and Industrial Conflict in Post-Reform South Asia. By Emmanuel Teitelbaum. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011. 248p. $65.00 cloth, $24.95 paper.

2012 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-811
Author(s):  
Erik Martinez Kuhonta
Keyword(s):  
Growth Rates ◽  
East Asian ◽  
High Growth ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Development Model ◽  
Regime Type ◽  
The Political ◽  
Cornell University ◽  
The Relationship

A major debate in the literature on the political economy of development centers on the relationship between regime type and economic development. This debate has been heavily influenced by the East Asian development model, where authoritarianism has often gone hand in hand with high growth rates. In South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia, and Indonesia, development has been propelled by authoritarian or semidemocratic regimes. One key element of this argument is that the repression of labor under these authoritarian regimes has been especially helpful in states' pursuit of high growth rates because it has ensured political stability and checked societal demands.

Relational Rules and Communist Single-Party Regimes

2021 ◽  
pp. 90-142
Author(s):  
Graeme Gill
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Authoritarian Regimes ◽  
Major Focus ◽  
Symbolic Function ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Relational Rules ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship

Relational rules structure the relationship between the oligarchs and the elite, and the oligarchs and the institutions of the regime. The chapter analyses how the 11 relational rules functioned in the Soviet Union and China over the life of the respective regimes. It explains how the oligarchs sought to insulate themselves from below and, in looking at the role of political institutions, tackles the idea that institutions serve little more than a symbolic function in authoritarian regimes. A major focus is also the power of the individual leader, its nature and bases and how this related to those institutions.

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