Fields of Discovery

Author(s):  
Brad Collis

At the cutting edge of international research and development, the Commonwealth Scientific and Industrial Research Organisation, CSIRO, has been at the forefront of some of the most extraordinary technological and scientific advances in the world during the second half of the twentieth century. Based on hundreds of interviews and meticulous research, Fields of Discovery tells the many stories of achievements and successes of the CSIRO and the people who contributed to them. Brad Collis follows their triumphs and frustrations, opening a rare window into the laboratories of knowledge-making and problem-solving, and the fruitful tussle between ideas, personalities and politics. From the development of advanced agricultural systems to science underpinning the protection of wildlife and the environment, to new metallurgy processes, the discovery of galaxies, the development of the lifesaving anti-influenza drug and even the creation of the iconic Aerogard insect repellent, Fields of Discovery celebrates the inspiring and often dramatic journey of one of the world’s most enduring scientific bodies. This is a book for everyone with a fascination for ‘hows’ and ‘whys’ and, above all, for the people who created a research organisation that has itself become an Australian icon.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 15 ◽  
Author(s):  
Doli Witro

Democracy is a government of the people, by the people and for the people. The popularity of the democratic system is arguably at its peak. This is proven by the many uses of the democratic system in modern countries in the world. Indonesia as a country that runs a democratic system does not give authority to the authorities to monopolize votes in an election. Because security and freedom for every citizen, free to choose as a representation of the sovereignty of the people. But on the side that democracy often happens is seen as freedom so that there are some elements mixing elements in democracy that actually damage democracy itself. Call it when campaigning for a candidate to hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates so that damage the good name in the eyes of the community. As reported in Detik.com in 2016, the National Police stated that there were 2,018 cases of hate speech that occurred. Then it increased by 44.99% in 2017 to 3,325 cases. Furthermore, in 2018 reported in January 2019 there were 3,884 cases of hate speech that occurred. This proves that in campaigning the candidates cannot be said to campaign peacefully, fairly and competitively. Whereas Allah s.w.t. It has been said in Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. Based on the description above the writer is interested in discussing and studying more about the campaign in the Elections in Indonesia and campaigning peacefully perspective of Surah al-Hujurat verse 11. This is important to discuss given the rampant hate speech cases that conducted by candidates in campaigning. This study aims to contribute knowledge to the candidates so that in campaigning, they do not utter hate speech, insult, and berate other candidates.


Author(s):  
Alan L. Mittleman

This chapter reconstructs the meanings of holiness from representative texts of the Jewish tradition. The discussion is anchored on two claims. First, biblical thought does not divide the world into a neat dualism of sacred and profane. Second, the Bible and subsequent Judaism conceive of holiness in three different ways: holiness sometimes refers to a property, holiness indicates a status, and holiness is a value or project. These three characteristics of holiness are examined in detail using the Bible. The chapter is primarily concerned with the ideas of the holiness of the people of Israel and the holiness of the Land of Israel. It considers the sacred/profane dichotomy by focusing on the views of twentieth-century scholars such as Emile Durkheim, Rudolf Otto, and Mircea Eliade. It also explores holiness and purity as they relate to God before concluding with an analysis of holiness in ancient and medieval rabbinic Judaism.


Author(s):  
Lila Caimari

This introductory chapter begins with the author's account of the origins of the present volume, which can be traced back to her interest in a late nineteenth-century set of concepts, images, and metaphors that grew up around the figure of the modern criminal. It then discusses the population growth in Buenos Aires, which jumped from about 1.5 to 2.5 million in the two decades between the world wars and the corresponding urban expansion. This sets the stage for a description of the book's purpose, namely to explore the many dimensions of porteño life in the early decades of the twentieth century: its vital network of neighborhood associations, its literacy campaigns, its grassroots politics, its many reformist projects, and so forth.


Author(s):  
Steve Clarke

In philosophical terms, a key issue of communities of practice (CoPs) can be located within one of the key philosophical debates. The need for CoPs is traceable to the inadequacy in certain contexts of the so-called scientific or problem-solving method, which treats problems as independent of the people engaged on them. Examples of this can be drawn from the management domains of information systems development, project management, planning, and many others. In information systems development, for example, the whole basis of traditional systems analysis and design requires such an approach. In essence, in undertaking problem solving, the world is viewed as though it is made up of hard, tangible objects, which exist independently of human perception and about which knowledge may be accumulated by making the objects themselves the focus of our study. A more human-centered approach would, by contrast, see the world as interpreted through human perceptions: the reason why the problem cannot be solved is precisely because it lacks the objective reality required for problem solving. In taking this perspective, it may or may not be accepted that there exists a real world “out there”, but in any event, the position adopted is that our world can be known only through the perceptions of human participants. This question of objective reality is one with which philosophers have struggled for at least 2,500 years, and an understanding of it is essential to determining the need for, and purpose of, CoPs. The next section therefore discusses some of the philosophical issues relevant to the subjective-objective debate: a search for what, in these terms, it is possible for us to know and how we might know it.


2008 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 625-640
Author(s):  
Marija Šajkaš

We cannot educate our children in the spirit of cosmopolitism, but instruct them to love their homeland instead. We have to put the big ideology in their little heads.Danilo Ž. Marković, Serbian Minister of Education in a speech to school managers of the Banat district, Daily Borba, 19 March 1993The words people use reflect their view of the world. In totalitarian societies the primary goal of a regime's language is to influence public opinion. A closer inspection of the most exploited phrases in Serbian public discourse in the period of the late 1980s until 2000 reveals a strong presence of propagandistic language. Thus, it can be argued that the consequences of Slobodan Milošević's politics are visible not only in the devastation of the people and the country but also in the sphere of Serbian public discourse. It is not only that his politics influenced the language. Rather, it is precisely because of the rich and diversified propaganda language of the regime that Slobodan Milošević's was able to maintain his firm grip on power in Serbia for 13 years.


Author(s):  
Robert J.C. Young

The phrase ‘the postcolonial condition’ is usually invoked with respect to the particular state, as well as the common circumstances, of the many colonies that were freed from colonial rule during the second half of the twentieth century and are now living on the legacy of colonialism. Postcolonial conditions all over the world remain very substantially the product of European rule, given the extent of the European empires. While the rest of the world gradually frees itself from its postcoloniality, as it earlier freed itself from the shackles of colonialism, it is the Europe from which colonialism came that remains caught within the postcolonial condition: for this reason, the idea of ‘the postcolonial’ has had most currency in Europe. One aspect of the European postcolonial condition was the refusal to recognise its overall historical inevitability even as the decolonisation process was taking place. This article discusses the postcolonial condition in Europe, along with cultural production as well as postcolonial theory and Islam.


1997 ◽  
Vol 18 (01) ◽  
pp. 54-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Houlgate

In his lectures on the philosophy of history Hegel passes this famous judgement on the French Revolution. “Anaxagoras had been the first to say that nous governs the world; but only now did humanity come to recognize that thought should rule spiritual actuality. This was thus a magnificent dawn”. What first gave rise to discontent in France, in Hegel's view, were the heavy burdens that pressed upon the people and the government's inability to procure for the Court the means of supporting its luxury and extravagance. But soon the new spirit of freedom and enlightenment began to stir in men's minds and carry them forward to revolution. “One should not, therefore, declare oneself against the assertion”, Hegel concludes, “that the Revolution received its first impulse from Philosophy” (VPW, p 924). However, Hegel points out that the legacy of the revolution is actually an ambiguous one. For, although the principles which guided the revolution were those of reason and were indeed magnificent – namely, that humanity is born to freedom and self-determination – they were held fast in their abstraction and turned “polemically”, and at times terribly, against the existing order (VPW, p 925). What ultimately triumphed in the revolution was thus not concrete reason itself, but abstract reason or understanding (VPW, p 923). In Hegel's view, the enduring legacy of such revolutionary understanding was, not so much the Terror, but the principle that “the subjective wills of the many should hold sway” (VPW, p 932). This principle, which Hegel calls the principle of “liberalism” and which we would call the principle of majority rule, has since spread from France to become one of the governing principles of modern stat. It has been used to justify granting universal suffrage, to justify depriving corporations and the nobility of the right to sit in the legislature, and in some cases to justify abolishing the monarchy. What is of crucial importance for Hegel, however, is that such measures have not rendered the state more modern and rational, but have in fact distorted the modern state.


2020 ◽  
pp. 84-87
Author(s):  
G. Muradov

The article expresses the author’s personal view of the current situation in the world and contains an appeal to today's youth to protect the truth about the most terrible war of the twentieth century, about the great feat of the people.


Author(s):  
Jordi Cat

How should our scientific knowledge be organized? Is scientific knowledge unified and, if so, does it mirror a unity of the world as a whole? Or is it merely a matter of simplicity and economy of thought? Either way, what sort of unity is it? If the world can be decomposed into elementary constituents, must our knowledge be in some way reducible to, or even replaced by, the concepts and theories describing such constituents? Can economics be reduced to microphysics, as Einstein claimed? Can sociology be derived from molecular genetics? Might the sciences be unified in the sense of all following the same method, whether or not they are all ultimately reducible to physics? Considerations of the unity problem begin at least with Greek cosmology and the question of the one and the many. In the late twentieth century the increasing tendency is to argue for the disunity of science and to deny reducibility to physics.


Conspiracy theories are not fringe ideas, tucked away in society’s dark corners. Conspiracy theories are everywhere, and like other ideas they have consequences. When people believe conspiracy theories they may act on them. In democracies, conspiracy theories can drive majorities to make horrible decisions. Conspiracy beliefs can conversely encourage political abstention: if one believes the system is rigged, they will be less willing to take part. Conspiracy theories form the basis of some people’s medical decisions. For a select few, conspiracy theories are instructions to fight fire with fire, to use violence. There is no time in recorded history without conspiracy theories. Whether we are examining accounts of ancient Rome, medieval Europe, or twentieth-century America, conspiracy theories have inspired millions to take action. Scares, panics, purges, and bloodshed have sometimes been the result. Conspiracy theorizing is an enduring part of politics. Despite this, researchers and journalists continually struggle to understand the phenomenon. Why do people believe conspiracy theories? What are their effects on politics and society? How do conspiracy theories differ across the world? What should be done about conspiracy theories? Are we currently living through the conspiracy theory renaissance?


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