Interpreting during the Cold War era in Turkey

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-440
Author(s):  
Özüm Arzık-Erzurumlu
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Common Language ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
The Common ◽  
Pass Through ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Way

Abstract This article examines the way the Cold War shaped the field of interpreting in Turkey. Turkey became part of the anti-communist bloc, and one outcome of this Turkish-American partnership was the influence that a constellation of American and Turkish organizations exerted on the nascent field of interpreting. Through open-ended interviews with selected interpreters, the article seeks to shed light on the way the Cold War impacted the practice of interpreting. By drawing on Lewin’s (1947) concept of gatekeeping, it is suggested that the US-led anti-communist campaign of the Cold War affected the topics that were interpreted, the common language pairs, and interpreters’ lexical choices. The Cold War, thus, became a “gate” through which the interpreted topics, languages, lexical choices, and even the interpreters – all of which were instruments of the regime – had to pass through.

The Unassailable Self: Freud's Image Among Post-war American Intellectuals

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katherine Jenness
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
External Force ◽  
Sigmund Freud ◽  
Human Being ◽  
World War ◽  
The Us ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Way

This paper explores the way American intellectuals depicted Sigmund Freud during the peak of popularity and prestige of psychoanalysis in the US, roughly the decade and a half following World War II. These intellectuals insisted upon the unassailability of Freud's mind and personality. He was depicted as unsusceptible to any external force or influence, a trait which was thought to account for Freud's admirable comportment as a scientist, colleague and human being. This post-war image of Freud was shaped in part by the Cold War anxiety that modern individuality was imperilled by totalitarian forces, which could only be resisted by the most rugged of selves. It was also shaped by the unique situation of the intellectuals themselves, who were eager to position themselves, like the Freud they imagined, as steadfastly independent and critical thinkers who would, through the very clarity of their thought, lead America to a more robust democracy.

Interests Aligned but Not Integrated

2020 ◽  
pp. 134-150
Author(s):  
Howard G. Coombs
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Professional Learning ◽  
Air Force ◽  
Graduate School ◽  
Educational Institutions ◽  
Air Force Academy ◽  
Us Air Force ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter explores the inception of the USAF's two educational institutions: the Air University (AU), and the US Air Force Academy (USAFA). The chapter shows that the AU, building on the interwar experience of the ACTS (Air Corps Tactical School), was able as a graduate school to go beyond expectations by becoming a fertile hub for professional learning. Conversely USAFA by mirroring Army and Navy institutions, established an undergraduate school with a solid curriculum, if not innovative in its approach. Tied to the rise of an independent air force service, the establishment of AU and USAFA sponsored by important military figures such as Billy Mitchell and Dwight Eisenhower heralded the rise of airpower theory in the Cold War era.

scholarly journals The New Frontier: Religion in America’s National Space Rhetoric of the Cold War Era

Religions ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (11) ◽  
pp. 592 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glen E. Swanson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Postwar America ◽  
National Space ◽  
New Frontier ◽  
Religious Imagery ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Us Government ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Cold War

The origins and use of national space rhetoric used by NASA, the US government, and the media in America began during the Cold War era and relied, in part, on religious imagery to convey a message of exploration and conquest. The concept of space as a “New Frontier” was used in political speech, television, and advertising to reawaken a sense of manifest destiny in postwar America by reviving notions of religious freedom, courage, and exceptionalism—the same ideals that originally drove expansionist boosters first to the New World and then to the West. Using advertisements, political speeches, NASA documents, and other media, this paper will demonstrate how this rhetoric served to reinforce a culture held by many Americans who maintained a long tradition of believing that they were called on by God to settle New Frontiers and how this culture continues to influence how human spaceflight is portrayed today.

Part 1 The Cold War Era (1945–89), 26 The US Hostage Rescue Operation in Iran—1980

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Forteau Mathias ◽  
Ying Xiu Alison See
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Present Contribution ◽  
Rescue Operation ◽  
Customary International Law ◽  
Self Help ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
The Cold War

The present contribution discusses the US hostage recuse operation in Iran in 1980. After the presentation of the relevant facts and context of the (eventually aborted) operation, including the official positions of the US and Iran as publicly expressed at that time, the present contribution assesses the legality of the operation, taking into account the reactions of other states and competent international organizations. The legality of the operation is assessed under Article 2(4) and 51 of the UN Charter and other possible exceptions under customary international law such as self-help. It concludes that it is doubtful that the operation was in conformity with international law.

Part 1 The Cold War Era (1945–89), 18 The Mayaguez Incident—1975

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronzitti Natalino
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Legal Issues ◽  
Armed Force ◽  
Coastal State ◽  
The Us ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Cold War

This Chapter takes into consideration the Mayaguez incident, which occurred on 12 May 1975, immediately after the end of Vietnam war. The Mayaguez was a US cargo vessel accused by Cambodia of carrying out an espionage mission during its navigation off the Cambodia coast and for this reason boarded and captured by the Cambodian gunboats. The US, after having erroneously qualifying the capture as an act of piracy, intervened in rescue of their nationals and recovered the ship. The precedent raises several legal issues ranging from the law of espionage to the legality of forceful measures taken by the coastal State in its territorial sea and/or in its adjacent waters. However, the main legal value of the Mayaguez incident arises from the fact that it is considered a precedent for testing the validity of the doctrine of using armed force for rescuing nationals abroad.

scholarly journals Germany, the United States, and Future Core Conflict

1995 ◽  
pp. 445-482
Author(s):  
Brigitte Schulz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Post Cold War ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Common ◽  
Will Power ◽  
The Cold War

With the end of the Cold War, much attention has been paid to the nature of the emerging new world order. By what criteria will power and influence be measured in this new era? Who will be the winners and losers? What types of allegiances will develop? Or is Francis Fukuyama's argument correct that, with the collapse of communism, we have reached the "...endpoint of man's ideological evolution" and thus "the end of history". Unlike Marx, who saw socialism at the end of humanity's arduous journey, Fukuyama tells us that the search is off because we have already arrived at our evolutionary destination: liberal capitalism...Other analysts envision less optimistic scenarios...One of the most popular scenarios over the past few years has been to anticipate growing tensions between the three main core powers: the US, Germany, and Japan... The first task of this paper, then, is to look at Germany within the context of the radically altered post-Cold War period... We argue that Germany, based on a multitude of factors which will be outlined below, is not now, nor will it ever become in the foreseeable future, a global hegemon... Indeed, as will be asserted in the second part of this paper, Germany will enter into a close alliance with the United States to form a reinvigorated trans-Atlantic marriage in which the common bonds of "culture and civilization" will replace a virulent anti-communism as the common vow.

Transnational Relationships between the Italian Revolutionary Left and Palestinian Militants during the Cold War

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 31-70
Author(s):  
Luca Falciola
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Empirical Research ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Transnational Ties ◽  
Terrorist Groups ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
The Way

This article examines the transnational ties between the Italian revolutionary left and Palestinian militants from the mid-1960s through the early 1980s. Some observers have cited these connections to explain the magnitude of Italian terrorism in the 1970s and early 1980s. However, in the absence of empirical research, the issue has remained murky. The archival sources and detailed interviews with protagonists used in the article shed light on this phenomenon by addressing four questions: first, the reception of the Palestinian cause within the Italian revolutionary left; second, the way Palestinian terrorist groups established roots in Italy and how the political context facilitated those efforts; third, the interactions between Italian and Palestinian militants both in Italy and in the Middle East; and fourth, the factors that strengthened or weakened the relationships between these entities. The evidence indicates that although Italian revolutionaries forged concrete ties with Palestinian militants and terrorists, these ties were not as extensively developed as some of the Italian leftists had hoped. The interactions encouraged radicalization but did not significantly foster violent escalation and terrorism in Italy.

Security dilemmas and the end of the Cold War

1999 ◽  
Vol 25 (4) ◽  
pp. 721-725 ◽  
Author(s):  
JASON RALPH
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Alternative View ◽  
Military Conflict ◽  
Security Community ◽  
The Us ◽  
Common Identity ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Liberal Individualism ◽  
The Way

Alan Collins is to be congratulated for highlighting the role Gorbachev’s strategy of Graduated Reciprocation in Tension Reduction (GRIT) played in ending the military conflict between East and West. By offering an alternative view to the conservative opinion that America’s material strength forced the Soviets into submission, it suggests that statesmen caught in security dilemmas have real options and are not simply forced to compete for power. As a policy that fostered transparency which assisted the creation of security regimes, GRIT undoubtedly played a role in the way the military conflict ended. Yet the Cold War was not simply about the military balance. Collins’ account of this period is restricted by his bias towards state-centric and rationalist explanations of state behaviour. He underestimates the role ideology played in ending the Cold War and as such only offers half a Cold War story. The influence of the US during this period, as a cautious agent of liberal individualism, is completely ignored, yet, as this reply demonstrates, it is crucial to understanding the way the US reciprocated Soviet policies. Moreover, if ‘debate over what the Cold War was is part of the politics of deciding what the post-Cold War is’, the significance of this criticism is not merely academic. The implication of Collins’ unwritten assumption that state’s identities are egoistic is that a security community based on a common identity is impossible. The lesson that the Cold War, as opposed to the military conflict, only ended when a common identity based on liberal individualism was instituted, suggests that a transatlantic security community including Russia was and still is a possibility.

scholarly journals Post Positivism and Theoretical Debates in International Relations

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Anwar M. Faraj ◽  
Tara T. Othman
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Rational Choice ◽  
Deep Understanding ◽  
Natural Sciences ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Standards Of Proof ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Way

This research deals with the problem of the failure of the positivist-rationalist theories of international relations (realism and liberalism) in predicting the end of the Cold War era and a deep understanding of the transformations that have taken place in the field of international relations. This has paved the way for the post- positivist trends, to show their influence in the fourth debate, and demonstrating their response to the challenges of the fifth debate in IR theories. Post-positivism rejected the using of the standards of proof associated with natural sciences in international relations in order to reach similar levels of interpretation, certainty and prediction. The post-positivists participated in the two last great debates of IR theories by emphasizing a number of points, the most important of which were: re-evaluation of the theories based on rational choice, review of the role and functions of theories: description, interpretation and prediction, Non-linearity as a description of contemporary international relations, and the inability of causation to explain the contemporary international relations.

Unipolarity: The Shaky Foundation of a Fashionable Concept

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
James H. Lebovic
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International System ◽  
Current System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Common Method ◽  
Cold War Era ◽  
Policy Analysts ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Cold War

Since the Cold War’s end, academics and policy analysts alike have described the international system as unipolar. The term’s use appears well grounded. The United States possesses exceptional relative capabilities by historical standards, with capabilities—including control of the skies—that were unimaginable under British, Dutch, Spanish, and Portuguese hegemony. The system seems unipolar then when assessed using a common method for discerning polarity: counting the number of unusually powerful countries in the system. But the numerical case for U.S. preeminence is far easier to make than a logical argument for judging the number of poles in the system. Logic actually suffers considerably when analysts base their thinking about unipolarity on the common assumptions that (a) the Cold War-era international system was bipolar, (b) the current system is unipolar, (c) polarity is discernable from aggregate capabilities, and (d) polarity is detectable in interstate behavior.

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