Literatures at the intersections of national territories: Iranian-Azerbaijani ethnic entrepreneurs in a transnational historical space

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilles Riaux
Keyword(s):  
National Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
Literary Field ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Geographic Space ◽  
Symbolic Resources ◽  
Ethnic Entrepreneurs ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Temporal Dimensions ◽  
Definition Of

This article is an attempt to explore the territoriality of languages in the context of ethno-national mobilizations. It maps the transnational interplay between linguistic spaces that overlap national frameworks. This makes it possible to scrutinize the horizontal and vertical differentiation processes that contribute to the definition of a distinctive literary field. In order to study these processes, we favor a strong empirical anchorage by referring to the notion of transnational historical space, defined as a configuration which covers both spatial and temporal dimensions, bringing territories into contact and linking various temporalities. Our case presents a large geographic space formed by Turkey, the Republic of Azerbaijan, and Iranian Azerbaijan. This unusual scale of analysis helps in understanding how ethnic entrepreneurs can capitalize symbolic resources in their strategies to make their ethnic idiom into a national language and to invest the political field with ethnonational claims.

Writing as resistance: Berber literature and the challenges surrounding the emergence of a Berber literary field in Morocco

2012 ◽  
Vol 40 (3) ◽  
pp. 373-394 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stéphanie Pouessel
Keyword(s):  
Language Production ◽  
Social Space ◽  
The Political ◽  
Alternative Definition ◽  
Literary Field ◽  
Political Field ◽  
The Social ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Shed Light

This article discusses the development of Berber literature in Morocco and the connections between this literature and Moroccan national identity as well as the pan-Amazigh identity movement. Over the last 40 years, the political conjuncture in Morocco has led Berber writers to affirm an alternative definition of Moroccanness, not exclusively based on Arabness, but one in which Berberity is included. This article aims to shed light on modern Berber literature, and on the social space in which it is embedded. It argues that there is no autonomous Berber literary field, the literature being intrinsically bound up with identity issues, but a Berber literary space, located at the intermingling of several fields (the political field and the field of language production in particular). The article first reconstructs the Moroccan political context by exploring the Amazigh movement, its aspirations and its reality. It then focuses on the relationship between the language issues (alphabet, standardization, etc.) and the emergence of a Berber “neo-literature.” Lastly, it moves beyond Morocco into the wider pan-Berber world — the Maghreb and those countries to which Berbers have emigrated — to question the possibility of a transnational Berber literature.

scholarly journals Towards a ‘Political’ Tibullus: Ceres and Grain in Elegies Books 1 and 2

2021 ◽  
Vol 48 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-35
Author(s):  
Victoria Jansson ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Income Inequality ◽  
Roman History ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Forces ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The U.S

This article argues that unfulfilled prayers to Ceres in Tibullus’ elegies are symptomatic of Rome’s grain crises at the end of the Republic and beginning of Empire. My approach includes philological, socioeconomic, and psychoanalytic analysis of the elegies, in which the poet examines the shifting definition of a ‘Roman’ in his day. I seek to demonstrate the ways in which the poet grapples with the political and economic forces at work during the most turbulent period of Roman history: a time when income inequality was roughly equivalent to that of the U.S. and E.U. today.1

Morfologie van de uiterst-rechtse groeperingen in België

Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 23 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 373-407
Author(s):  
Peter Verlinden
Keyword(s):  
Systematic Review ◽  
Small Groups ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Youth Organization ◽  
Definition Of

White a generally acknowledged definition of «right» and «extreme right» does not exist, an external definition was accepted, departing from what the most important authors accepted as being «right and extreme right wing groups» in Belgium.In Flandern the most important ones situate themselves within the «Flemish Movement», although being a small part of this Movement.  These groupings are classified into three categories : groups oriented towards the Flemish-Nationalistic past, students- and youth-organizations, and the recently activist groups.In Brussels and Wallonia two initiatives delineate this political field : Le Nouvel Europe Magazine, a well distributed monthly magazine, and the Front de la Jeunesse, initially founded as the youth organization of the magazine.The relevance of these rather small groups must be seen on two levels : that of the global Belgian political context, and on the level of the political Flemish Movement. To analyse strictly the amount of that influence needs more than a systematic review of the groupings that operate on this specific political field in Belgium last year.

Politics and Power

Philosophy ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 38 (144) ◽  
pp. 117-135
Author(s):  
P. H. Partridge
Keyword(s):  
Political Science ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Social Scientists ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Proper Definition ◽  
Definition Of

In recent years, political scientists have talked a great deal about the proper definition of their subject, and of how the ‘field’ of the political scientist is best distinguished from that of other social scientists. One proposal that is frequently made is that political science might quite properly be defined as the study of power, its forms, its sources, its distribution, its modes of exercise, its effects. The general justification for this proposal is, of course, that political activity itself appears to be connected very intimately with power: it is often said that political activity is a struggle for power; that constitutions and other political institutions are methods of defining and regularising the distribution and the exercise of power, and so on. Since there seems to be some sense in which one can say that, within the wider area of social life, the political field is that which has some special connection with power, it may seem plausible then to suggest that the study of politics focusses upon the study of power.

Le plaisir dans la cite platonicienne

Chôra ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 17-30
Author(s):  
Olivier Renaut ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Educational Program ◽  
Political Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
Public Issue ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The City ◽  
The Way

This article aims at showing that the definition of pleasure in Plato’s dialogues cannot be separated from a political educational program and an anthropology that consider pleasure as the main vehicle towards virtue. The political use of pleasure is as important as its definition, insofar as its manifestation and content are the prerogatives of the legislator. All pleasures are politically meaningful in the Republic and in the Laws, and among them especially the triad hunger, thirst and sex ; in making pleasures a “public” issue, as pleasures are object of surveillance and political control, Plato gives several means in order to shape the way pleasures are felt in the city, and in order to make the community of pleasure and pain a fundamental role in unifying the city under the reason’s commands.

scholarly journals Euroscepticism in France. The threat of Frexit against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic

2020 ◽  
pp. 53-64
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Terebov
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Emergency Situation ◽  
The Political ◽  
The European Union ◽  
External Threats ◽  
Economic Decision Making ◽  
Dublin Regulation ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Eu

The research subject is the manifestation of Euroscepticism in France, in the political arena and among the citizens. The purpose of the research is the definition of the prospects of French withdrawal from the European Union. The purpose is specified in tasks determining the structure of the article: firstly, the analysis of economic and political institutions of the EU which helps to establish the sources of Euroscepticism ideas in the Republic. Secondly, the analysis of the dynamics of Euroscepticism against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic, which helps to find out how the 2020 emergency situation has influenced the growth of anti-EU ideas in France. The research methods include the political, sociological and historiographic analysis. The Schengen Zone has exacerbated the migration problem in the EU, the 2003 Dublin Regulation has unequally allocated responsibility of the EU members for refugees sheltering. The dependence of France’s economy on the actions of the ESCB, the lack of the opportunity to participate in economic decision making at the supranational level, the common currency system, and the political order of the EU are the key grievances of the Eurosceptics. The anti-EU ideas in France can become significant against the background of the growing popularity of the protectionist policy under the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. As Brussels is not in a good position against external threats, and the EU members lack solidarity, the idea of a Frexit referendum can receive a new impetus in the context of the upcoming presidential election in France in 2022.  

The Fragmentation of the Palestinian Political Field

2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 189-216
Author(s):  
Jamil Hilal
Keyword(s):  
Women Workers ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Cultural Field ◽  
National Representation ◽  
1960S And 1970S ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Palestinian National Movement ◽  
The Relationship

The mid-1960s saw the beginnings of the construction of a Palestinian political field after it collapsed in 1948, when, with the British government’s support of the Zionist movement, which succeeded in establishing the state of Israel, the Palestinian national movement was crushed. This article focuses mainly on the Palestinian political field as it developed in the 1960s and 1970s, the beginnings of its fragmentation in the 1990s, and its almost complete collapse in the first decade of this century. It was developed on a structure characterized by the dominance of a center where the political leadership functioned. The center, however, was established outside historic Palestine. This paper examines the components and dynamics of the relationship between the center and the peripheries, and the causes of the decline of this center and its eventual disappearance, leaving the constituents of the Palestinian people under local political leadership following the collapse of the national representation institutions, that is, the political, organizational, military, cultural institutions and sectorial organizations (women, workers, students, etc.) that made up the PLO and its frameworks. The paper suggests that the decline of the political field as a national field does not mean the disintegration of the cultural field. There are, in fact, indications that the cultural field has a new vitality that deserves much more attention than it is currently assigned.

State Failure and the Political Violence Phenomenon: A Comparative Analysis of Iraq and Syria Cases

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. Eylem Özkaya Lassalle
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Political Violence ◽  
State Failure ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Violence ◽  
Short Run ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Cold War

The concept of failed state came to the fore with the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the USSR and the disintegration of Yugoslavia. Political violence is central in these discussions on the definition of the concept or the determination of its dimensions (indicators). Specifically, the level of political violence, the type of political violence and intensity of political violence has been broached in the literature. An effective classification of political violence can lead us to a better understanding of state failure phenomenon. By using Tilly’s classification of collective violence which is based on extent of coordination among violent actors and salience of short-run damage, the role played by political violence in state failure can be understood clearly. In order to do this, two recent cases, Iraq and Syria will be examined.

Land Reform in Zimbabwe: a Balance of Political Expediency and Economic Inevitability?

2020 ◽  
pp. 14-29
Author(s):  
Lyubov Prokopenko
Keyword(s):  
Land Reform ◽  
Union Leader ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
African Region ◽  
Political Aspect ◽  
National Union ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Government

The article considers the political aspect of land reform in the Republic of Zimbabwe. The problem of land reform has been one of the crucial ones in the history of this African country, which celebrated 40 years of independence on April 18, 2020. In recent decades, it has been constantly in the spotlight of political and electoral processes. The land issue was one of the key points of the political program from the very beginning of Robert Mugabe’s reign in 1980. The political aspect of land reform began to manifest itself clearly with the growth of the opposition movement in the late 1990s. In 2000–2002 the country implemented the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP), the essence of which was the compulsory acquisition of land from white owners without compensation. The expropriation of white farmers’ lands in the 2000s led to a serious reconfiguration of land ownership, which helped to maintain in power the ruling party, the African National Union of Zimbabwe – Patriotic Front (ZANU – PF). The government was carrying out its land reform in the context of a sharp confrontation with the opposition, especially with the Party for the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), led by trade union leader Morgan Tsvangirai. The land issue was on the agenda of all the election campaigns (including the elections in July 2018); this fact denotes its politicization, hence the timeliness of this article. The economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe in the 2000–2010s was the most noticeable phenomenon in the South African region. The analysis of foreign and domestic sources allows us to conclude that the accelerated land reform served as one of its main triggers. The practical steps of the new Zimbabwean president, Mr. Emmerson Mnangagwa, indicate that he is aware of the importance of resolving land reform-related issues for further economic recovery. At the beginning of March 2020, the government adopted new regulations defining the conditions for compensation to farmers. On April 18, 2020, speaking on the occasion of the 40th anniversary of the independence of Zimbabwe, Mr. E. Mnangagwa stated that the land reform program remains the cornerstone of the country’s independence and sovereignty.

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