scholarly journals Euroscepticism in France. The threat of Frexit against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic

Author(s):  
Aleksandr Terebov

The research subject is the manifestation of Euroscepticism in France, in the political arena and among the citizens. The purpose of the research is the definition of the prospects of French withdrawal from the European Union. The purpose is specified in tasks determining the structure of the article: firstly, the analysis of economic and political institutions of the EU which helps to establish the sources of Euroscepticism ideas in the Republic. Secondly, the analysis of the dynamics of Euroscepticism against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic, which helps to find out how the 2020 emergency situation has influenced the growth of anti-EU ideas in France. The research methods include the political, sociological and historiographic analysis. The Schengen Zone has exacerbated the migration problem in the EU, the 2003 Dublin Regulation has unequally allocated responsibility of the EU members for refugees sheltering. The dependence of France’s economy on the actions of the ESCB, the lack of the opportunity to participate in economic decision making at the supranational level, the common currency system, and the political order of the EU are the key grievances of the Eurosceptics. The anti-EU ideas in France can become significant against the background of the growing popularity of the protectionist policy under the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. As Brussels is not in a good position against external threats, and the EU members lack solidarity, the idea of a Frexit referendum can receive a new impetus in the context of the upcoming presidential election in France in 2022.  

Author(s):  
Tracey Raney

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.   Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179


Author(s):  
Ruslana Klym

The article defines that political institutions are integral elements of the political system of society, important subjects of politics and carriers of the political process, that regulate the political organization of society, ensuring its stable and long-term functioning. It is stated that the main scientific approaches to understanding the phenomenon of political communication is positivism, behaviorism, structural functionalism, institutionalism and the attention is drawn to the fact that the mass media perform several functions in modern society – communicative, informational, relay, through the implementation of which, media affects all spheres of society and play an important role in the process of interaction between the government and the public. It was noted that the authorities of the Republic of Bulgaria took advantage of the historical moment when the European Union member states were interested in cooperation and were able to convince the Bulgarian society that membership in the EU is a way to solve economic problems, which will further contribute to the economic well-being of the country. The article mentions that an important role in the European integration process of interaction between the authorities and the public was played by Bulgarian journalists, who conducted an extremely intensive and important information campaign, which resulted in 76% of support for the Republic’s membership in this international organization by the Bulgarian society The experience of the Republic of Bulgaria shows that effective work of the mass media is extremely important for establishing communication interaction between government and civil society at a crucial moment for the country. However, the modern Bulgarian media environment is subject to intense criticism for the poor quality of the media product, the media’s dependence on oligarchs, and corruption.


Author(s):  
Paddy Hoey

By the end of the 2010s, Sinn Féin was by far the strongest republican voice was rapidly building a stronger base in the Republic of Ireland where it had become the third largest party in the Dáil. But, the structures of the Peace Process and the Stormont Assembly meant that it was no further to significantly challenging of the political status quo in Northern Ireland. The vote for Brexit, based as it was on a binary notion of British sovereignty that had been fudged by the Good Friday Agreement, changed that. The nature of Britain’s exiting of the European Union had massive ramifications of the Irish border. With a majority of people in Northern Ireland voting to remain (with 85% of the nationalist population doing so), the unionist veto over the wishes of the wider population came under deeper scrutiny. For Sinn Féin, which had been a long-term critic of the EU, this provided an opportunity putting the border back on the agenda. For dissidents, they found themselves in the unlikely position of sharing the same political standpoint as Nigel Farage, Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, and, allegedly, the Queen.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 123-140
Author(s):  
Ryszard Suduł

Author analyses in the article the problem of functioning of the external borders of the Republic of Poland in the Schengen area. The text frames the analysis in the context of the political science. The author discusses the changes in state system of protection of the state border of the Republic of Poland resulting from the integration of the Republic of Poland with the European Union, in particular with the Schengen area. The basic objective of the article is the analysis of the scope and type of organisational and administrative-logistic undertakings in the field of border protection after Poland’s participation in the Schengen Area. The analysis is started with characterisation of changes in the system of management of the state border and the ways of functioning of border services in connection with the accession to the EU were characterised. EU requirements for strengthening border infrastructure and the system of cooperation between institutions responsible for border security were also analysed. As a result, the accession of the Republic of Poland to the Schengen area entailed a complete change in the strategy of managing the state borders.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr. Sc. Bekë Kuqi ◽  
Dr. Sc. Petrit Hasanaj

Globalization represents an unavoidable phenomenon in the history of mankind, which is making the world smaller and smaller by increasing the exchange of goods, services, information, knowledge and cultures between different countries. Globalization is a process that has changed a lot in our everyday lives. This multidimensional and contradictory process brings to life the hopes and achievements that life can bring to it. The rush for greater competition is one of the main objectives of globalization. Such a thing can only be reached with market liberalization, economic integration and technology development. It is important for us to benefit from globalization. Therefore, during this paper we will discuss the importance of globalization for the integration and development of countries in the US and as a case study for Kosovo. Globalization is an unstoppable process for Kosovo, and a hope for integration and development that will impact on economic development and integration into the European Union. Following the Declaration of Independence of Kosovo on 17 February 2008 and the entry into force of the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo on 15 June 2008, the same objectives, more than before, were introduced in Kosovo. Like other transition countries, Kosovo also declared membership in the EU not only objective of foreign policy, but also a strategic social and state goal. The definition of this decision puts Kosovo at the forefront of the transition, reform and harmonization process with EU criteria.


Author(s):  
Emil Souleimanov ◽  
Maya Ehrmann ◽  
Vincenc Kopeček

The issue whether to legally recognize the tragic events of 1915 in Eastern Anatolia as a genocide remains a key  political issue which drives an edge between Armenia and the Republic of Turkey. Through their European diaspora communities, the issue has also entered the domain of the European Union (EU), becoming even more controversial as Turkey is in the process of hotly contested EU accession talks. The present article uses the instruments of discourse analysis to focus on the current perceptions of the Armenian genocide in the various countries involved, specifically within the EU, Armenia and Turkey, in order to explore the political rationale behind the commitment of various states to recognize or deny the aforementioned historical events as an act of genocide. After providing a brief historical overview of the 1915 events, we analyse internal EU perceptions of the “reality” of the Armenian genocide recognition, primarily in relation to Turkey's accession efforts. We then focus on the domestic discourses in Armenia and Turkey, with the goal of shedding light on the rationale behind both Yerevan's encouragement of genocide recognition and Ankara's unwillingness to recognize the genocide, as well as on the political implications of recognition and denial.


Author(s):  
Наталья Стеркул

Анализируются основные сложности политической модернизации и реформ в контексте реализации Соглашения об ассоциации Республики Молдова и Европейским Союзом. После подписания в 2014 году Соглашения об ассоциации с ЕС, Республика Молдова сосредоточила усилия на политической модернизации и внутренних реформах. Был принят Национальный план действий по внедрению данного документа на 2017- 2019 годы. Несмотря на то, что Европейская Комиссия в своих докладах констатирует наметившееся продвижение в вопросах модернизации государства, автор обращает внимание на внутренний политический кризис, политическую и экономическую нестабильность, незрелость демократии и проблемы в сфере правосудия. Реформы, предусмотренные Соглашением об ассоциации, требуют развития политических институтов, соблюдения верховенства права, повышения уровня экономического развития, а также культурного и научного потенциала. ЕС предоставляет финансовую и техническую помощь для реализации данного Соглашения. Республике Молдова предстоит приложить усилия для того, чтобы завершить реформы в области внешней политики и безопасности, сфере правосудия и экономического сотрудничества и выйти на новый уровень развития. The main complexities of political modernization and reforms in the context of implementation of the Association Agreement between the Republic of Moldova and European Union are analyzing. After the signing the Association Agreement in 2014, Republic of Moldova focus its efforts on the political modernization and internal reforms. The National plan of action for the implementation of this document for 2017-2019 was adopted. In spite of the fact that European Commission in its reports indicates the progress on the political modernization issues, the author focuses his attention to the internal political crisis, political and economic instability, immaturity of democracy and justice problems. Reforms provided for in the Agreement of Association require the development of political institutions, respect for the rule of law, improving the level of economic development, as well as cultural and scientific capacities. The EU provides financial and technical assistance for the implementation of this Agreement. The Republic of Moldova will make efforts in order to complete the reforms in the field of the foreign policy and security, justice and economic cooperation and achieve a higher level of development.


2006 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Tracey Raney

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained.


Politeja ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (3(60)) ◽  
pp. 303-322
Author(s):  
Jovan Bazić

This paper deals with the relations between the Republic of Serbia and the European Union, with special attention to the key issues in the process of its accession to the EU, as well as the political moods of the Serbian citizens towards that membership. There are many problems and misunderstandings in the process of Serbia’s accession to the European Union which are expressed through conflicts of different interests, the EU’s asymmetrical and ultimatumbased relationship with Serbia, a different perception and assessment of reality in Serbia, the value system and other cultural factors. These problems are manifested through many issues, and essentially, they stem from the consequences of the break-up of Yugoslavia and the political conditions for Serbia’s admission to EU membership, such as: the support of the secessionist processes in the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, first in case of secession of Montenegro from the FR Yugoslavia and then of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia, as well as in the issues of Serbia’s cooperation with the Hague Tribunal. The core standards for EU membership from Copenhagen and Madrid remain in the shadow of these problems. This is one of the reasons why in Serbia the skepticism towards its membership in the European Union has been on the rise. Other contributing reasons for skepticism include the current processes within the Union, such as economic, monetary and institutional crisis, Brexit; the strengthening of conservatism and separatism, as well as the increasingly noticeable initiatives for the reorganization of the Union. That is why Serbia’s path to EU membership has become more complicated and why it seems more and more like a road without a final destination.


1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Anderson

With intensified globalization, and more specifically European integration, the ground is shifting under established political institutions, practices, and concepts. The European Union (EU), however, is usually conceived in traditional ‘realist’ or ‘functionalist’ terms which obscure the possibility that distinctly new political forms arc emerging; or, alternatively, some self-styled ‘postmodernists’ speculate implausably about a ‘Europe of the regions’ replacing the ‘Europe of states’. In contrast, I argue for ‘new medieval’ and ‘postmodern’ conceptualizations of territoriality and sovereignty, which recognize that geographic space is becoming more complex and ‘relative’: Conventional political concepts based on ‘absolute’ space are increasingly problematic for understanding the political complexities of contemporary globalization. Here ‘postmodernity’ may mean something different from what some postmodernists think it means: not, for instance, a federalized ‘United States of Europe’ where regions and regionalism replace nations and nationalism, nor simply an intergovernmental arrangement of sovereign states, but something quite distinct—‘arrested federalization’ and an ‘intermediate’ arrangement distinct in its own right rather than ‘transitional’. In this paper I sketch transformations of sovereignty from ‘medieval to modern’, and from the ‘modern’ to the allegedly ‘postmodern’. I focus on the ‘unbundling’ of territorial sovereignty, which has reputedly gone furthest in the EU. However, even here the process is partial and selective, with globalization affecting different state activities unevenly. Contemporary configurations of political space are a complex mixture of new and old forms, the latter continuing to exist rather than being tidily removed to clear the ground for new politics. The EU itself is still territorial, and in many respects traditional conceptions of sovereignty remain dominant, whether exercised by the member states or by the EU as a whole. Moreover there are problems both with the elusive notion of postmodern, and with the historical analogies of new medievalism. Nevertheless, despite problems and qualifications, these concepts are useful for exploring the possibility of radical transformations, not just with respect to the ‘actors’ of global and local politics, but to the space–time of the ‘stage’ on which they operate.


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