The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the context of South Caucasus regional security issues: An Armenian perspective†

2017 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sergey Minasyan

For more than a quarter-century, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has been one of the most important factors influencing the political map of the South Caucasus. On 12 May 1994, Nagorno-Karabakh, Armenia, and Azerbaijan signed a cease-fire agreement that ended military operations in the conflict zone and has been observed until recently. Negotiations for a peaceful settlement have been underway within the framework of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe Minsk Group co-chaired by the USA, Russia, and France since 1992, but society and the elite in Armenia, Nagorno-Karabakh, and Azerbaijan remain largely unprepared for compromise. Considering the settlement process a zero-sum game, they have generally accused one another of escalating the conflict and of a lack of willingness to restore peace. Other countries and international organizations involved in the negotiations do not share a vision of the future and frequently pursue their own interests. Accordingly, the Karabakh conflict could remain unresolved for decades more. The aim of the paper is a general assessment of the current stage and dynamic of this conflict and the impact of new trends and old obstacles on the prospects for further settlement.

Author(s):  
SEBASTIAN BERSICK

This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.


Author(s):  
S. Bai ◽  
N. Dyeyeva ◽  
T. Melnyk ◽  
K. Puhachevska

We focused our attention on the causes of the current trade war between the United States and China. The article analyzes the influence of electoral processes in the USA on the choice between free trade and protectionism. The relationship between China’s accession to the WTO, mutually beneficial cooperation with the United States, and trends in the trade balance between major trading partners have been determined. The article illustrates the main mutual claims between the United States and China, which led to the outbreak of «the largest trade war in economic history». We determined the main stages of the conduct of «military operations» and characterized the directions of the conflict escalation. The attention is focused on the losses in the trade war; the main beneficiaries from the «trade disagreements» were identified. We proposed an alternative opinion on the real consequences of the trade war for the warring parties. The article studies the impact of trade wars on world GDP and the national economies of the largest countries of the world. Attention is focused on the existence of «phantom trade» for finding the way out of sanctions and tariffs. The role of Ukrainian business in trade wars is examined in detail. We analyzed the main trade wars Ukrainian enterprises are involved in and possible results for the business. The article gives the author’s vision of the impact of the trade war on the trade balance between Ukraine and the key participants in the trade war: the United States and China. We concluded which branches of the Ukrainian industry are in priority for developing trade relations with China. The article highlights the main barriers to the development of trade with the United States and the reasons for the decline in the export of Ukrainian goods. We predicted how the improvement in relations between the United States and China will affect the role of Ukrainian business in the context of world trade wars.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerald Steinberg

AbstractThe history of arms control efforts in the Middle East consists of numerous initiatives, but very limited results. From the first efforts to negotiate WMD limits and non-proliferation arrangements in the 1960s, through various regional initiatives, frameworks, proposals, discussions, and negotiations, the obstacles to agreement on mutual limitations remained dominant. Frequent discussions in the UN of a Middle East Nuclear Free Zone (MENWFZ), the multi-lateral Arms Control and Regional Security (ACRS) talks initiated during the 1991 Middle East Peace Conference, and the regional dimensions of global frameworks such as the NPT, CWC, and CTBT have all failed to produce results.Detailed analysis of these efforts highlights the impact of realist security-based factors, the structure and process of the interactions, as well as the cultural and domestic political dimensions. The existential conflicts, reflected in protracted territorial disputes and denials of legitimacy and compounded by a fundamental asymmetry, created a zero-sum framework in the region. The region is characterized by a great deal of instability and competition; this situation, in turn, contributed to the efforts to acquire WMD. In terms of domestic politics, the regional cooperation required for arms limitation is often inconsistent with the dominant articulated political interests and regime perspectives. In addition, misunderstandings and misperceptions frequently occur due to the complexities of cross-cultural communications in the Middle East. Numerous dialogues have not narrowed the gaps or transformed the zero-sum frameworks into cooperative ones. Hopes for the creation of successful regional mechanisms for limiting arms depend on overcoming the obstacles encountered in past efforts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 92 ◽  
pp. 07061
Author(s):  
Petr Šuleř ◽  
Jaromír Vrbka

Research background: China’s share in the global economy has experienced a swift growth since opening up and reforming the country’s foreign policy in 1978. USA sanction on China has so far concentrated on a heap of issues including China’s enormous exchange shortfall with the U.S., currency control, constrained market access, licensed innovation robbery and security issues identified with Huawei. Also, USA sanction on China has so far lead to a decrease in exports and outflow of FDI, reduce in the inflow trade and investment, and apparently hinders the Chinese GPD growth and diminished its currency exchange rate. Purpose of the article: The aim is to predict the future development of the GDP of the China and the USA and to estimate their further development through the prism of mutual trade sanctions and COVID-19. Methods: The data collection demonstrates the course of a time series of a daily RMB exchange rate development from the beginning of 1992 to June 2020. Furthermore, it represents the time series of a quarterly development of the Chinese GDP for the same time period. Using neural networks, a regression for different variants of the time series delay in connection with the analysis of the USA sanctions is conducted. Findings & Value added: The GDP of both countries has developed over the last two years, as if sanctions had not been imposed. However, the situation is changing with COVID-19. In this case, it is clear that the impact will be more significant. US GDP will stagnate. PRC GDP will fall.


Author(s):  
Frédéric Grare

The convergence of interests between India and the United States extend to most major regional issues. Both countries intend to pursue regional cooperation and develop an inclusive regional security architecture. Yet significant perception gaps persist between the two countries linked to their asymmetry of power as well as geographical locations. India does not want to be caught in a zero-sum game between China and the United States and remains uncertain about the willingness of the United States to act as a security provider. The relationship is ultimately based on a quid pro quo that takes into account US interests and India’s own constraints. A strong but autonomous India contributes to United States interests in the region.


Author(s):  
Maryam Enjavinezhad ◽  
Shamala Paramasivam

Today, the Middle East is dealing with devastating civil wars and ideological struggles affecting the lives of millions of people in the region. These regional security issues are manifested through an increase in radicalization, fanatism, and intolerance towards social groups who are considered ‘other’ or deviated. The consequences have been deadly violence across the region and worldwide. Radical discourses and Wahhabism ideologies have had the main role in this regard. There is a new wave of ‘Othering’ discourse in the Middle East promoted by some Muslim preachers, which increases the tensions between social groups. This paper analyzes such discourses looking at the case of Syria war as an example to show the way Wahhabism ideologies changed the nature of the Syrian uprising and turned it into an ideological and sectarian war for political interests. This paper provides insights into the impact of leaders’ discourses and ideologies on the masses. Learning the ideologies behind manipulative discourses can help in dealing with complicated conflicts, explain the important issues, and manage the problems facing humankind.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 10-18
Author(s):  
Waseem Ishaque ◽  
Muhammad Bilal ◽  
Muhammad Usman

Afghanistan since the Soviet Invasion in 1979 and later by the USA in 2001 on the pretext of Global War on Terrorism (WoT) has remained in a perpetual state of war even after the collapse of the USSR and before US invasion. The fragile state with a lack of central government and dysfunctional state institutions has created serious international and regional security issues with an influx of refugees, drugs, and above all terrorism. The instability in Afghanistan has created national security problems for Pakistan and despite enormous sacrifices and instability, Pakistan is in the eye of storms for not doing enough despite US active military presence. The USs willingness to engage the Taliban for an honorable exit strategy and ensuring that the government in Afghanistan is more representative, are in fact positive signals which need to be capitalized by engaging all parties to the conflict.


Author(s):  
Richard J. Samuels

The prewar history of the Japanese intelligence community demonstrates how having power over much, but insight into little can have devastating consequences. Its postwar history—one of limited Japanese power despite growing insight—has also been problematic for national security. This book dissects the fascinating history of the intelligence community in Japan. Looking at the impact of shifts in the strategic environment, technological change, and past failures, it probes the reasons why Japan has endured such a roller-coaster ride when it comes to intelligence gathering and analysis, and concludes that the ups and downs of the past century—combined with growing uncertainties in the regional security environment—have convinced Japanese leaders of the critical importance of striking balance between power and insight. Using examples of excessive hubris and debilitating bureaucratic competition before the Asia-Pacific War, the unavoidable dependence on U.S. assets and popular sensitivity to security issues after World War II, and the tardy adoption of image-processing and cyber technologies, the book highlights the century-long history of Japan's struggles to develop a fully functioning and effective intelligence capability, and makes clear that Japanese leaders have begun to reinvent their nation's intelligence community.


Author(s):  
Attarid Awadh Abdulhameed

Ukrainia Remains of huge importance to Russian Strategy because of its Strategic importance. For being a privileged Postion in new Eurasia, without its existence there would be no logical resons for eastward Expansion by European Powers.  As well as in Connection with the progress of Ukrainian is no less important for the USA (VSD, NDI, CIA, or pentagon) and the European Union with all organs, and this is announced by John Kerry. There has always ben Russian Fear and Fear of any move by NATO or USA in the area that it poses a threat to  Russians national Security and its independent role and in funence  on its forces especially the Navy Forces. There for, the Crisis manyement was not Zero sum game, there are gains and offset losses, but Russia does not accept this and want a Zero Sun game because the USA. And European exteance is a Foot hold in Regin Which Russian sees as a threat to its national security and want to monopolize control in the strategic Qirim.


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