Language and Linguistic Nationalism in the Ukraine1

1978 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 125-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth C. Farmer

For analysts as much as for advocates of ethnic nationalism, language is an important elemental symbol of national identity. The relationship between language and nationalism has received attention in the scholarly literature, as has the role of linguistic problems in the resurgence of minority nationalism in the USSR, along with state-sponsored intervention in linguistic processes in that country.

2010 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 269-290 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mara A. Leichtman

The July 2006 Lebanon war was an important turning point for West African Lebanese. For the first time since their formation as a community, the Lebanese in Senegal organized a demonstration in Dakar displaying solidarity with Lebanon. This protest illuminates the dynamics between global forces and local responses. Hizbullah's effectiveness in winning the international public opinion of both Sunni and Shiʿi Muslims in the war against Israel led to a surge in Lebanese diaspora identification, even among communities who had not been similarly affected by previous Lebanese wars. By analyzing the role of a Lebanese shaykh in bringing religious rituals and a Lebanese national identity to the community in Senegal, this article explores how members of the community maintain political ties to Lebanon even when they have never visited the “homeland” and sheds new light on the relationship among religion, migration, and (trans)nationalism.


2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 371-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mojca Doupona Topič ◽  
Jay Coakley

Sociology of sport knowledge on national identity is grounded in research that focuses primarily on long established nation-states with widely known histories. The relationship between sport and national identity in postsocialist/Soviet/colonial nations that have gained independence or sovereignty since 1990 has seldom been studied. This paper examines the role of sports in the formation of national identity in postsocialist Slovenia, a nation-state that gained independence in 1990. Our analysis focuses on the recent context in which the current but fluid relationship between sport and Slovenian national identity exists. Using Slovenia as a case study we identify seven factors that may moderate the effectiveness of sports as sites for establishing and maintaining national identity and making successful global identity claims in the twenty-first century. We conclude that these factors should be taken into account to more fully understand the sport-national identity relationship today, especially in new and developing nations.


1970 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
Patrizia Zanelli

Although it may seem absurd, it is no exaggeration to say that humour is a very serious matter in Egypt, where dozens of intellectuals have analysed this phenomenon, often linking it to their national identity. This article presents various opinions on Egyptian satire to introduce a 2015 novel by Mona Prince, one of the Egyptian writers of the 1990s generation. In 2012, the author published a memoir of the January 25 Revolution. This study tries to explain the relationship between her political activism and her literary career; the role of humour in her œuvre; and how she deals with gender and religious issues in her 2015 work, which is also autobiographic. Moreover, since the novelist wrote the text between 2008 and 2014, this article offers some notes on satiric literature in pre- and post-2011 Egypt.Key words: Egyptian writers, fiction, non-fiction, memoirs, humour, satire, subversion, revolution.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-98
Author(s):  
Simina Pîrvu

In a series of lectures in 1994, Nadine Gordimer remarks the different status of Africa which is no longer at the edge of the empire, but on the contrary, in the center of it. In this respect, post-apartheid Africa has rebuilt its national identity on the background of global events that write universal history, offering citizens the chance to escape their country's constraints and bring important key elements in the globalization process. Thus, replacing apartheid themes in a new country is an extreme task by the applicant. Some of the favourite subjects of the "old guard" are the following: the importance of multiculturalism in post-apartheid South Africa, the writer's status, vulgarisation of violence due to mass-media, reconciliation with a violent past and their economic and cultural implications, the fight against AIDS, sexual emancipation, globalization and loss of cultural and national identity, uprooting, migration and economic exile which replaced major pre-existing concerns about violence, racial and gender discrimination, the relationship between literature and politics, or the role of ethics in literature. The same situation can be applied to eastern countries. Even though they were not "postcolonial" in the classical sense of the term, applicable to the former British, French, Spanish, Portuguese or Dutch colonies, the "post-communist transition" through which they passed included the disarmament of a certain political and economic "occupation". People had to adapt to the new order, to the new reality, which was a complex process, a difficult one, that implied, many times, exile. Therefore, the purpose of my argument is to present what consequences can occur at the psychological level because of the attempt of adaptation of the characters to the new social and political order, by imitation, postcolonial and post-communist context. And here comes the question: does imitation facilitate adaptation? Although the logical answer would be yes, we will notice, by discussing the two texts, exactly the opposite.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lorna Bracewell

According to one recent review of the burgeoning interdisciplinary scholarly literature on populism, populism’s “relationship with gender issues remains largely understudied” (Abi-Hassan, 2017, 426–427). Of those scholarly treatments that do exist, the lion’s share focus on the role of men and masculinity in populist movements. In this essay, I argue scholarly reflection on the relationship of gender and populism should not be limited to this narrow frame. Through a close examination of the complex gender politics of QAnon, a pro-Trump conspiracy movement that burst into the mainstream of U.S. politics and culture with the onset of the global Coronavirus pandemic, I demonstrate that populist deployments of femininity are as rich, complex, and potent as their deployments of masculinity. QAnon, I argue, is a case study in how femininity, particularly feminine identities centered on motherhood and maternal duty, can be mobilized to engage women in populist political projects. Until scholars of populism start asking Cynthia Enloe’s famous question, “Where are the women?,” in a sustained and rigorous way, phenomena that are integral to populism’s functioning will elude us and our understanding of the relationship between gender and populism will remain partial and incomplete (Enloe, 2014).


Author(s):  
Dilwyn Porter

This chapter explores the role of sport in the construction of national identity. It focuses initially on sport as a cultural practice possessing the demonstrable capacity to generate events and experiences through which imagined communities are made real. The governments of nation-states or other political agencies might intervene directly in this process, using sport as a form of propaganda to achieve this effect. More often, however, the relationship between sport and national identity is reproduced in everyday life, flagged daily by the mass media as an expression of banal nationalism. Particular attention is given to the role of sports that are indigenous to particular nations and also to sports engaged in competitively between nations. These have contributed in different ways to the making of national identities.


Author(s):  
O. Moroz ◽  
V. Kotkevych

Problem setting. National identity is a multidimensional, complex phenomenon in which political and cultural (ethnic) factors combine and interact in some way. The question of their relationship, interaction and share in the formation of national communities has been the subject of long-standing debate . In Ukraine in a wide public space the ethnic paradigm of the nation dominates, according to which the phenomenon of the nation is maximally identified with the ethnos politically organized in its state. In academic circles, there is a much more complex vision of the essence of the nation. However, in the context of the problem of further development of Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation of Ukrainians, many authors focus primarily on the importance of the cultural factor. But, the importance of political factors of national consolidation is markedly underestimated. In particular, the question of the role of institutions of representative democracy and democratic political culture in the process of strengthening the current Ukrainian national identity, the difficulties and opportunities associated with them, is on the margins. Recent research and publications analysis. In Ukraine, a wide range of different aspects of the formation of modern Ukrainian national identity has been the subject of coverage in the monographs of M. Stepyko, M. Rozumny, articles by N. Pidberezhnyk, D. Kravchenko, O. Shaparenko, and other researchers. In the context of the analysis of the problem of national consolidation of Ukraine, A. Kolodiy presented her vision of the essence of the phenomenon of nation and national identity. In the collective monograph of scientists of the Institute of State and Law named after V. Koretsky presents an analysis of the specifics of the identity of the population of certain regions of Ukraine, proposals for effective mechanisms for its integration into the Ukrainian common national identity. Distinctive narratives of national identity that exist in Ukraine have been the subject of research by American political scientist K. Korostelina. British / Ukrainian researcher T. Kuzio addressed the problem of the interaction of different identity options and democratization processes in Ukraine in the post-Soviet period. In their reflections, these authors offered, in particular, the different visions of the share of political, ethnic and cultural components of national identity, the dynamics of their interaction in the process of national formation of modern Ukraine. Of particular note are the publications of Yu. Ruban, who pointed out, also in the Ukrainian context, the close interdependence between democratic institutions and national identity.Highlighting previously unsettled parts of the general problem. The relationship between the processes of formation of modern Ukrainian national identity and democratic values as its important and necessary component, democratic institutions, in particular, electoral and potential ways of national consolidation of Ukrainian citizens, needs to be studied in more detail.The purpose of the article is to determine the place and role of institutions of representative democracy in the processes of formation of Ukrainian national identity, in particular, taking into account current political changes, identifying related challenges and opportunities.Paper main body. For almost three decades of Ukraine’s independent state existence, its political development has taken place within the framework of democratic political institutions and has been carried out through the mechanisms of representative democracy. In the process of state/national development of Ukraine, the formation of its current national identity, the basic institutional components of democratic political procedures have proved to be a mandatory and permanent factor.  In the process of interaction between the government and society, its starting point is the legitimation of power in the eyes of citizens. Citizens’ perception of state power as legitimate appears to be in some way connected with the process of asserting national identity in its political dimension. It is democratic procedures in a pluralistic society that become the basis of the legitimacy of power.The central element of the democratic legitimization of power and one of the most important components of communication between government and society is elections, which in this aspect are essentially a factor in the formation of national identity. In the course of the electoral process, numerous group and individual identities that exist in society, in a certain way, manifest themselves in public space, in open and defined by certain rules rivalry with others.The common national idea / ideology and democratic principles of political coexistence are interrelated factors, because the formation of a common identity through dialogue, through the integration of human rights, political and civil liberties into the whole multidimensional construction of national identity can be a factor in consolidating society. Encouraging the integration of linguistic, ethnic and other minorities into the social and political space of a single state on the basis of interculturalism will thus contribute to the formation of a common civic identity in people with different (but at the same time in no way isolated from each other) cultural identities. Citizens’ perceptions of the state as an institution that takes into account their interests and values, a greater level of civic participation in decision-making and implementation will ultimately mean greater efficiency of democratic governance, thus contributing to socio-economic progress and stability of the entire socio-political system.  Conclusions of the research and prospects for further studies. The task of forming an image of national identity capable of integrating around itself, around the Ukrainian core, the achievements and values of various ethnic, linguistic and cultural minorities, politically united by the borders of the Ukrainian state, remains relevant. In this context, democratic institutions and values, forming the basis for constructive public articulation of different points of view and interests, have the potential to promote more effective government and intergroup communication, reduce conflict in society, feelings of alienation between government and certain groups.  Further prospects for research in this area are a more detailed analysis of the relationship between the democratic mechanisms of public communication and the peculiarities of the formation of the current Ukrainian national identity and national consolidation. In particular, in this context, the appropriate influence of the specifics of electoral procedures and processes, different forms of government needs to be considered separately.


Author(s):  
Tim Lanzendörfer

This essay argues that a close look at the relationship between periodical production and nationalist rhetoric in the biographies of naval officers printed in the Analectic Magazine between 1813 and 1816 suggests the contingent nature of national identity in the context of the War of 1812. American periodicals took great interest in the events of the War of 1812, providing something akin to war reportage to their subscribers. During the War of 1812, several periodicals turned to the production of biographies of naval and military commanders that had excelled on the battle field. Biography, however, provided more than merely a glimpse of notable lives: instead, periodicals negotiated and contested ideas about American nationhood through the medium of biography, a discovery which necessitates a re-appraisal of the role of biography in the Early Republic as well as of simplifying notions about American nationalism. Reading Washington Irving’s 1813 biography of Oliver Hazard Perry, winner of the Battle of Lake Erie, against James Kirke Paulding’s 1816 life of Thomas Macdonough reveals how different genealogical models of American ascendancy shaped the narratives told about naval officers; and in turn, how naval officers could become models for particular versions of American national identity. Nevertheless, both of these models remained contingently tied into a pre-existing nationalist discourse triggered by the war, rather than actively shaping this national discourse: in this, they also reveal something about the often-overemphasized power of periodicals to shape national consciousness.


Modern Italy ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-224
Author(s):  
Rita Wilson

The linguistic and cultural identity of transnational writers who choose to write in an adopted language or to self-translate, has gained increasing interest among researchers over the last decade. Approaches to the topic have ranged from textual analyses of translingual narratives and language memoirs to more ontological investigations of the processes of identity-formation in transcultural frameworks. Acknowledging that there is no one-to-one correspondence between linguistic units and ethnic, social or cultural formations, this paper considers the relationship between the literary practices of contemporary translingual writers and the role of language both in the formation of personal identities and in the reconfiguration of constructions of national identity and literary belonging. Specifically, I examine how two contemporary women writers, Francesca Marciano and Jhumpa Lahiri, who each represent a remarkable case of self-conscious linguistic transformation, interrogate the traditional construct of a monolingual, mono-ethnic and mono-cultural national identity. I argue that their autofictions reflect the multilingual and transcultural reality of contemporary transnational literature and instantiate broader issues connected with the definition, categorisation and consequent evaluation of literary canons and literary citizenship.


2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal N. Ghazal

AbstractThis article examines the significant yet largely overlooked role of the Mzabis, a community from the northern edges of the Algerian desert, in Algerian and Tunisian anticolonialism and nationalism. In so doing, it pursues two aims: first, to shed light on the importance of Tunis to the politicization of the Mzabis in the 1920s and to their induction into local and regional anticolonial and national movements; and second, to highlight the tensions of subsuming regional identities into overarching national identities by focusing on Mzabi political activists’ negotiation of the relationship between the Mzab and Algeria as a national project. The article also explores the spectrum of political possibilities and alternatives envisioned by Mzabis as they participated in religious reform, anticolonial, and nationalist movements. This spectrum, I argue, conveys the fluid relationship between local, national, and regional identities, thus undermining teleological readings of national identity formation.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document