A new boost-phase missile defense system—and its diplomatic uses in the North Korea dispute

This paper offers the analysis of German Policy towards the Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) and creating of the European Missile Defence System. Special attention is given to a dislocation of the US Tactical Nuclear Weapon (TNW) in Germany, its policy towards nuclear programs of Iran and North Korea, the evolution of German stand on the European Missile Defence project.

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Analysis of the flight trajectory characteristics of North Korea SLBM due to launching mode

International Journal of Modeling Simulation and Scientific Computing ◽

10.1142/s1793962316430054 ◽

2016 ◽

Vol 07 (04) ◽

pp. 1643005

Author(s):

Kyoung Haing Lee ◽

Hyeong Pil Seo

Keyword(s):

North Korea ◽

Control Method ◽

Northeast Asia ◽

Ballistic Missile ◽

Missile Defense ◽

Flight Trajectory ◽

Asymmetric Warfare ◽

The North ◽

Ballistic Missile Defense ◽

Test Flight

The current research aims to simulate the flight trajectory of the North Korean submarine–launched ballistic missile (SLBM) and analyze its flight characteristics based on its range control method. Recently, North Korea has completed the test flight of SLBM and it has become a significant threat to international security. North Korea obtained SLBM technologies from Russia while disbanding decommissioned Russian submarines, and it is suspected that North Korea will continue to experiment in related fields along with its continued attempts to miniaturize nuclear weapons. If North Korea completes the development of SLBM and deploys the missiles, it means the completion of the three asymmetric warfare elements (nuclear weapon, ballistic missile, and submarine) and they will be the most significant threats to northeast Asia. Therefore, it is imperative to scientifically analyze SLBM to adeptly respond to such threat. One characteristic of SLBM is capability of attacking its target in a variety of ways based on its range control method. Based on this fact, the current research derives the flight equation of North Korean SLBM and simulates its flight trajectory based on various range control methods. The flight trajectories that we derive can be used to establish an effective anti-ballistic missile defense system in northeast Asia.

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La dissuasion nucléaire et les rapports sino-japonais - l'interaction entre une puissance nucléaire et une puissance non nucléaire en Asie de l'Est (Note)

Études internationales ◽

10.7202/703804ar ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 28 (4) ◽

pp. 685-709 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Chen Shihmin

Keyword(s):

United States ◽

Nuclear Weapons ◽

North Korea ◽

The United States ◽

Vital Role ◽

Nuclear Potential ◽

Missile Defense ◽

The North ◽

Nuclear Policy ◽

Security Relationship

Since the end of 1950s, the Japanese nuclear policy has consisted in keeping the legal option open for the development of the "defensive" nuclear weapons and maintaining a nuclear potential. The motivation of this" open nuclear option" of Japan would be mainly the development of the nuclear force of China. The us retreat of all the ground-launched and submarine-launched tactical nuclear weapons in 1991 implied the end of the age of dependence on tactical nuclear weapons for "war-fighting" in Asia. The conventional deterrence would already be sufficient for maintaining the stability of the East Asia. The mission of the extended nuclear deterrence of the United States could be reduced to Us vital role for countering only the nuclear attack of other country, not for any conventional attack. The controversies about the "antimissile defense" have influenced the security relationship between China and Japan. The important strategic significance of the antimissile defense for Beijing would be that a strategy of the first strike against China would be easier to consider. A theater missile defense in Japan would be less challenging for China and would be useful against the threat of missiles from North Korea. Nonetheless, a strategic missile defense could have a destabilizing impact on Sino-Japanese security relations. The Japanese nuclear policy would be a hind of "recessive deterrence" which operates by the potential and the possibility of developing nuclear weapons. The nuclear crisis in Korea provides a chance to observe the working dynamic of this deterrence. Owing to the worry about the nuclear proliferation of Japan, Tokyo finds it appropriate to ask Beijing to prevent the nuclear development of the North Korea and to maintain the credibility of the extended deterrence of the United States.

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Race, transnational militarism, and neocoloniality: The politics of the THAAD deployment in South Korea

Security Dialogue ◽

10.1177/09670106211022884 ◽

2021 ◽

pp. 096701062110228

Author(s):

Seungsook Moon

Keyword(s):

South Korea ◽

High Altitude ◽

North Korea ◽

Defense System ◽

Missile Defense ◽

The South ◽

South Korean ◽

High Altitude Area ◽

Self Rule ◽

Internal Homogeneity

This article explores the neglected connection between race and militarism by focusing on a US missile defense system deployed in South Korea. In September of 2017, the two countries installed the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system in a rural village. Manufactured by Lockheed Martin, this missile defense system was to protect South Korea from attacks by North Korea. The system is integral to US global military strategy, but from the perspective of human security, its benefits are dubious at best. By drawing on a theory of the ‘racial state’ and critical studies of the US empire-state, the article examines two fundamental practices of the neocolonial military relation between the two states: wartime Operational Control of the South Korean military and extraterritoriality of US bases in South Korea. It argues that these neocolonial practices in which the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense system deployment is embedded reflect ‘the historicist racial ruling’ that denies self-rule for Koreans and its internalization by Koreans who support the unequal military relation. It also analyzes how the South Korean racial state promotes internal homogeneity and otherizes North Korea to bolster national security through the missile defense system.

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Why Has There Been No People’s Power Rebellion in North Korea?

European Journal of Korean Studies ◽

10.33526/ejks.2018181.1 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 1-34

Author(s):

Andrew Jackson

Keyword(s):

Rural Areas ◽

North Korea ◽

Large Scale ◽

Political Elite ◽

Information Control ◽

Al Jazeera ◽

The North ◽

New Information ◽

Effective System ◽

The Right

One scenario put forward by researchers, political commentators and journalists for the collapse of North Korea has been a People’s Power (or popular) rebellion. This paper analyses why no popular rebellion has occurred in the DPRK under Kim Jong Un. It challenges the assumption that popular rebellion would happen because of widespread anger caused by a greater awareness of superior economic conditions outside the DPRK. Using Jack Goldstone’s theoretical expla-nations for the outbreak of popular rebellion, and comparisons with the 1989 Romanian and 2010–11 Tunisian transitions, this paper argues that marketi-zation has led to a loosening of state ideological control and to an influx of infor-mation about conditions in the outside world. However, unlike the Tunisian transitions—in which a new information context shaped by social media, the Al-Jazeera network and an experience of protest helped create a sense of pan-Arab solidarity amongst Tunisians resisting their government—there has been no similar ideology unifying North Koreans against their regime. There is evidence of discontent in market unrest in the DPRK, although protests between 2011 and the present have mostly been in defense of the right of people to support themselves through private trade. North Koreans believe this right has been guaranteed, or at least tacitly condoned, by the Kim Jong Un government. There has not been any large-scale explosion of popular anger because the state has not attempted to crush market activities outright under Kim Jong Un. There are other reasons why no popular rebellion has occurred in the North. Unlike Tunisia, the DPRK lacks a dissident political elite capable of leading an opposition movement, and unlike Romania, the DPRK authorities have shown some flexibility in their anti-dissent strategies, taking a more tolerant approach to protests against economic issues. Reduced levels of violence during periods of unrest and an effective system of information control may have helped restrict the expansion of unrest beyond rural areas.

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Unseen Laws- A Quantitative Approach to Developments in North Korea’s Legal System

European Journal of Korean Studies ◽

10.33526/ejks.20181702.22 ◽

2018 ◽

pp. 22-62

Author(s):

Martin Weiser

Keyword(s):

North Korea ◽

Legal Rules ◽

The North ◽

Legal Texts ◽

Policy Fields ◽

Policy Agendas ◽

Broad Policy ◽

Sophisticated Analysis ◽

Detailed Picture ◽

Law Making

The position of law in North Korean politics and society has been a long concern of scholars as well as politicians and activists. Some argue it would be more important to understand the extra-legal rules that run North Korea like the Ten Principles on the leadership cult as they supersede any formal laws or the constitution.1 But the actual legal developments in North Korea, which eventually also mediate those leading principles and might even limit their reach, has so far been insufficiently explored. It is easy to point to North Korean secrecy as a main reason for this lacuna. But the numerous available materials and references on North Korean legislation available today have, however, not been fully explored yet, which has severely impeded progress in the field. Even publications officially released by North Korea to foreigners offer surprisingly detailed information on legal changes and the evolution of the law-making institutions. This larger picture of legal developments already draws a more detailed picture of the institutional developments in North Korean law and the broad policy fields that had been regulated from early on in contrast to the often-assumed absence of legislation in important fields like copyright, civil law or investment. It also shows that different to a monolithic system, various law-making institutions exist and fulfil discernably different legal responsibilities. Next to this limitation in content, scholars in the field currently also have not used all approaches legal developments in the North Korea could be analysed and interpreted with. Going beyond the reading of legal texts or speculating about known titles of still unavailable legislation, quantitative approaches can be applied ranging from the simple counting of laws to more sophisticated analysis of legislative numbering often provided with legislation. Understanding the various institutions as flexible in their roles and hence adoptable to shifts in leadership and policy agendas can also provide a more realistic picture of legal practices in North Korea.

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Study on the Dilemma and Task Left by the North Korea-US Summit

The Korean Journal of Political Science ◽

10.34221/kjps.2018.26.3.3 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 26 (3) ◽

pp. 49-68

Author(s):

Kwang-Deuk Park

Keyword(s):

North Korea ◽

The North ◽

And Task

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The Impact of Sanctions on North Korea’s Foreign Trade from the Perspective of the Comparative Advantage Theory

Economics and Management ◽

10.35854/1998-1627-2019-6-4-15 ◽

2019 ◽

pp. 4-15

Author(s):

I. A. Korgun ◽

G. D. Toloraya

Keyword(s):

Foreign Trade ◽

Competitive Advantage ◽

National Economy ◽

North Korea ◽

Rent Seeking ◽

Economic Transformation ◽

Global Trade ◽

Negative Consequences ◽

The North ◽

The Impact

The presented study analyzes the opportunities for North Korea to capitalize on its competitive advantages in foreign trade in the context of sanctions.Aim. The study aims to identify mechanisms that allow North Korea to engage in foreign trade in circumvention of UN sanctions and to analyze their impact on the national economy.Tasks. The authors analyze the structure of North Korea’s national economy, its initial competitive advantage, identify the specific features of North Korea’s foreign trade in the context of sanctions, and determine the consequences of illicit trade in circumvention of sanctions for the national economy.Methods. This study uses an interdisciplinary approach that combines the classical theory of competitive advantage with the concept of rent seeking, with the concept of rent seeking and analysis of trade flows.Results. The study shows that, despite the restrictions imposed by sanctions, North Korea strives to make the most of its advantages, such as resource availability and cheap labor, in global trade. The country builds its own export-import chains in circumvention of sanctions. These chains are rather mobile, flexible, and controlled by the elite. As a result, benefits from trade that could be evenly distributed among the population are concentrated in the hands of a narrow segment of society. ‘Rent seeking’ makes it possible to formulate the negative consequences of these processes for the North Korean economy and the international community.Conclusions. Solving the North Korean issue requires an economic transformation in the country through the replacement of restrictive sanctions with more constructive ones. The exclusion of North Korea from open global trade leads to the country’s marginalization and impairs the transparency of international commodity flows.

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