scholarly journals The past in the present: time and narrative of Balkan wars in media industry and international politics

2016 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 1012-1042 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enika Abazi ◽  
Albert Doja
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enika Abazi ◽  
Albert Doja

In this article, we explore various forms of travel writing, media reporting, diplomatic record, policy-making, truth claims and expert accounts in which different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars, both old (1912–1913) and new (1991–1999), have been most evident. We argue that the ways in which these perspectives are rooted in different temporalities and historicisations have resulted in the construction of commonplace and time-worn representations. In practical terms, we take issue with several patterns of narratives that have led to the sensationalism of media industry and the essentialisation of collective memory. Taken together as a common feature of contemporary policy and analysis in the dominant international opinion, politics and scholarship, these narrative patterns show that historical knowledge is conveyed in ways that make present and represent the accounts of another past, and the ways in which beliefs collectively held by actors in international society are constructed as media events and public hegemonic representations. The aim is to show how certain moments of rupture are historicised, and subsequently used and misused to construct an anachronistic representation of Southeast Europe.


1989 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zeev Maoz

It has been persistently demonstrated that militarily superior states that are engaged in wars with militarily inferior ones may end up on the losing side. Unlike the processes by which military capabilities are converted into control over resources, the so-called “paradoxical conflict outcomes” phenomenon is more severe than a lack of correspondence between control over resources and control over outcomes. The paradox of power involves cases in which increased control over resources actually causes reduced control over outcomes. Several of the theoretical examples of this paradox are taken from social choice theory. These examples are applied to the analysis of the outcome of the Balkan Wars of 1912–1913 and of the Israeli invasion of Lebanon in 1982. The implications of the power paradox for theories of international politics are briefly discussed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-272 ◽  
Author(s):  
Enika Abazi ◽  
Albert Doja

In this article, we explore the ways in which from the beginning to the end of twentieth century different temporalities and historicizations stemming from different narrative perspectives on the Balkan wars have constructed different commonplace, timeworn and enduring representations. In practical terms, we take issue with several patterns of narratives, such as the sensationalism of media industry, the essentialization of collective memory, the securitization of imaginary threats and the pacifist activism of normative transformations. It is our contention to argue that they historicize certain moments of rupture, which are subsequently used and misused to construct an anachronistic representation of Southeast Europe that may conceal hidden interests. Contrastingly, an alternative narrative that emphasizes a “history from below” as an apperception of the temporality of being can offer a revisionist approach that may show the futility of ahistorical accounts. 1


2020 ◽  
pp. 216747952090340 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Stoney ◽  
Thomas Fletcher

The intense commodification, commercialisation, mediatisation, globalisation, and digitalisation of sport in the past three decades have resulted in sporting organisations and governing bodies becoming inextricably tied to the global media industry and corporate economy. A result of this mediatisation, coupled with technological advancement, has been the introduction of decision-aid technologies in sport. Existing literature on decision-aid technologies has generally focused on the technologies themselves. Here, we focus on decision-aid technology use and its impact on event experience. This article examines fan attitudes towards the use of the Television Match Official (TMO) in rugby union in relation to the event experience. We present data from a global online questionnaire ( n = 194) and 11 semi-structured interviews with fans, representatives from rugby’s governing bodies, two TMOs, and a television producer. Data show an inconsistency in how TMO decisions are relayed to match crowds, which had an impact on events experience. The data also reveal how heavily reliant the TMO system is on broadcasters. Fans were generally in favour of TMO use, but they did want to be better informed when it came to TMO referrals and decisions. Indeed, fans said improvements to TMO decision delivery in stadia, specifically having audio of referee/TMO discussions/decisions relayed over the stadium PA system and/or captions providing explanations and decisions on TMO referrals, would mostly improve their event experience.


2000 ◽  
Vol 96 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-93 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerard Goggin ◽  
Christopher Newell

Telecommunications reform in Australia, and in particular the introduction of competition, is often claimed to have delivered benefits to consumers. From the perspective of people with disability, this competition so far can been seen as crippling rather than enabling. There have been some gains for telecommunications for people with disabilities over the past decade in particular —delivered by slowly changing corporate attitudes buttressed by the explicit reference to the requirements of the Disability Discrimination Act 1992 in the Telecommunications Act 1997. This article examines telecommunications and disability in Australia since 1975, and concludes that it is high time for a telecommunications and new media industry where measures of outcomes would include utilising the experiences and meeting the needs, expectations and aspirations of those who live with disability.


2017 ◽  
Vol 72 (3) ◽  
pp. 285-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanjay Parthasarathy Bharthur

Journalism education in India is framed in the higher education system, comprising of programs in the universities, both government-supported and media-backed private institutions, as well as in-service and short-term courses offered by press associations and other organizations. They are offered at different levels from certificate to diploma to both undergraduates and postgraduates. Due to requirements of the media industry, there is a constant friction about the need to balance the academic and professional aspects in the curriculum. This has led to skepticism in the past about the relevance of formal journalism education. However, with globalization and growth of the media sector, there is an enhanced need for professionals. Many big media groups have launched journalism programs. Institutional and professional aspects of the programs in India and issues pertaining to curriculum, responses, and critique have been factored in this article.


Author(s):  
Nikolay Aretov ◽  
Nadiia Boiko

Related notions of war and revolution are not something primordial and constant. They are constructed and constantly changing. The paper traces some aspects of these processes in the mentality of the 19th and early 20th century Bulgarians, with attention to their Balkan context. The lack of the own state for a long period of time (1396–1878) determined the initial negative image of the war. For the Bulgarians of the late 18th and early 19th centuries a war was something definitely negative, as it brings death, troubles, and disasters; it was also something alien or external as only few of them were recruited in the Ottoman army. The wars between Russia and Ottoman Empire generated some hopes for independence among certain elite groups of society (although not so much among common people). The Greek War for Independence (started in 1821) and other uprisings in European dominions of Turkey had their impact on Bulgarians. The idea of revolution grew in the 1860s and 1870s within the group of radicals, mainly the alumni of Russian Universities and high schools. Literature played a serious role in this process, and April uprising (1876), not without some debates, was represented as ‘revolution’ in the last decades of the 19th century. The two notions were mixed after the Russian-Turkish Liberation War (1877–78), especially in later interpretations. The newly established Principality of Bulgaria lived in constant threat (real or imagined) of Ottoman invasion and soon got drawn into the war with Serbia (1885) which contributed to creating the fully positive image of a patriotic war. This image persisted during the First (1912–1913) and Second (1913) Balkan wars, called in Bulgaria ‘inter-allied’. The defeat motivated to shift the image of war from something patriotic to something making the ordinary people suffer. This was a gradual change catalyzed by the World War I (1914–18) that made the previous image problematic. The notion of revolution that was previously associated only with the past (1876, 1878) also shifted and became associated in some leftist minds with the future as well. First and still shy anti-war humanitarian ideas appeared; the last poems of Dimcho Debelianov (1887–1916), who died in the war, were the most representative examples of this trend.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Mary Christopher

In general, the concept of workforce diversity has gained enormous support over the past decade, due to international politics of economic competition, technological progress, increasing emphasis on the importance of human rights, and immigration. The chapter discusses answers to the question: in the face of this consensus, why are xenophobic arguments (communicated worldwide through mass media) increasingly allowed to foster global climates of fear of, and resistance to, immigrant labour? Answers seem to lie in geopolitics and social pressures on governments that constrain them to discriminate against migrants and refugees seeking immigration. Reasons for this are discussed and possible remedies suggested.


Author(s):  
Matthew Kroenig

This chapter introduces the subject of the book and summarizes its basic argument and structure. It explains that the United States of America has been the world’s leading state for the past seven decades, but that great power rivalry has returned in recent years with Russia and China becoming more assertive on the international stage. Indeed, many believe the days of U.S. global leadership are coming to an end in the face of challenges from its leading autocratic rivals. In contrast, this chapter argues that democracies have systematic advantages in international politics and that there is good reason to believe that the American era of international preeminence will endure.


1966 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Morton A. Kaplan

Over the past decade traditionalists have launched a series of attacks on scientific approaches to international politics. Most of the arguments employed against the scientific approach stem from those used earlier by E. H. Carr in The Twenty Years’ Crisis. The general arguments that have been employed include these among others: that politics involves purpose in a way that physical science does not; that scientific knowledge is applicable to facts, but understanding, wisdom, or intuition are required for areas where human purpose is involved; that those pursuing scientific models tend to mistake their models for reality; that scientific method requires high precision and measurement and therefore is incapable of coping with the most important elements of international politics; and that the practitioners of scientific method can never be sure that they have not left something out of their model.


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