The Geopolitics of Immigrant Labour

Author(s):  
Elizabeth Mary Christopher

In general, the concept of workforce diversity has gained enormous support over the past decade, due to international politics of economic competition, technological progress, increasing emphasis on the importance of human rights, and immigration. The chapter discusses answers to the question: in the face of this consensus, why are xenophobic arguments (communicated worldwide through mass media) increasingly allowed to foster global climates of fear of, and resistance to, immigrant labour? Answers seem to lie in geopolitics and social pressures on governments that constrain them to discriminate against migrants and refugees seeking immigration. Reasons for this are discussed and possible remedies suggested.

Author(s):  
Elizabeth Mary Christopher

In general, the concept of workforce diversity has gained enormous support over the past decade, due to international politics of economic competition, technological progress, increasing emphasis on the importance of human rights, and immigration. The chapter discusses answers to the question: in the face of this consensus, why are xenophobic arguments (communicated worldwide through mass media) increasingly allowed to foster global climates of fear of, and resistance to, immigrant labour? Answers seem to lie in geopolitics and social pressures on governments that constrain them to discriminate against migrants and refugees seeking immigration. Reasons for this are discussed and possible remedies suggested.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Christopher

April 2018 marked the 50th anniversary month in the UK of Enoch Powell's “rivers of blood” speech, widely condemned for its anti-immigrant, racist rhetoric. Time has shown how wrong Powell was; and over the decades Britain has become more, not less, tolerant. The concept of workforce diversity has gained enormous support, due in part to international politics of economic competition, technological progress, increasing emphasis on the importance of human rights; and immigration. The article discusses answers to the question: in the face of this consensus, why are xenophobic arguments (communicated worldwide through mass media) increasingly allowed to foster global climates of fear of, and resistance to, immigrant labour? Answers seem to lie in political and social pressures on governments that constrain them to discriminate against migrants and refugees seeking immigration. Reasons for this are discussed and - since consensus is so strong on the benefits of workforce diversity - possible remedies are suggested.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth Mary Christopher

April 2018 marked the 50th anniversary month in the UK of Enoch Powell's “rivers of blood” speech, widely condemned for its anti-immigrant, racist rhetoric. Time has shown how wrong Powell was; and over the decades Britain has become more, not less, tolerant. The concept of workforce diversity has gained enormous support, due in part to international politics of economic competition, technological progress, increasing emphasis on the importance of human rights; and immigration. The article discusses answers to the question: in the face of this consensus, why are xenophobic arguments (communicated worldwide through mass media) increasingly allowed to foster global climates of fear of, and resistance to, immigrant labour? Answers seem to lie in political and social pressures on governments that constrain them to discriminate against migrants and refugees seeking immigration. Reasons for this are discussed and - since consensus is so strong on the benefits of workforce diversity - possible remedies are suggested.


Author(s):  
الجمعي بولعراس (al-Jamie Boulares) ◽  
ناصـر الغالي (Nasser al-Ghaliy)

ملخص البحثكثُر الكلام عن اللغة السياسية والدعائية بعد أحداث 11 سبتمبر، وطرأت مصطلحات وتعبيرات وأنماط لغوية جديدة تصادمت فيها مع خلفيات متلقي الخطاب وما تحمله  ذاكرتهم من مدلولات سابقة، ومن ثم، نُسجت خيوط اللغة الجديدة المعاصرة، وظلت بعيدة تراوح ردحا من الزمن محاريب السياسة والإعلام والدعاية، ثم إن  الماسك بزمام التوجه اللغوي المعاصر هو الذي أفلح في احتواء الشارع العربي بحثا عن المفاهيم المختلفة، وفي غياب تنمية لغوية حركية وتبرز هوية قائلها في الزمن، وتتحدى عوائق القواميس الانتقائية والنخبوية والمهمشة للأنا والذات، وبحثا عن مستقبل تتحكم فيه عوامل البقاء اللساني في ظل الصراع الحضاري والفكري والسياسي والاقتصادي وذلك كما نتصور بغربلة الزخم اللغوي العربي لاحتواء الواقع الحضاري للأمة ومستحثات الهزات الاجتماعية لتتأقلم بالمستجدات، ويحتاج هذا جهدا لامتلاك ناصية اللغة الجديدة التي توصف بالتمرد على الماضي، وفي الوقت نفسه تريد أن لا تتجرد منه واللغة الجديدة هي نتاج الحراك اللساني المعاصر، وهي لغة التداول اللغوي ولغة المصطلحات المعاصرة، وهي لغة الدعاية والتعبيرات الاصطلاحية الجديدة ولغة الخطاب السياسي المعاصر. وصل البحث إلى بعض النتائج ومن أهمها: وجوب إعادة قواعد وأنظمة سيميائية للغة الخطاب السياسي، توغل الإعلاميين في المصطلحات والتعابير مثل السياسيين.الكلمات المفتاحية: اللغة العربية-العبارة الاصطلاحية- تلقي العبارة السياسية-سياسة العبارة-لعبة السياسةAbstractThere have been a lot of talks about political language and propaganda after the 11 September incident that had led to the application of new terminologies, expressions and language variations in contrast with what were associated with these words previously in the minds of the recipient. Hence,  new strings of language were woven but nonetheless they remained far from being acquainted with the political and propaganda discourses. The one who is responsible in language policy is the one who is successful in including the language of the streets to explore its various concepts. This is in the absence of the growth of language movements, language personalities, and the challenges of  discovering self-identity and in the efforts to search of the future that is characterized by the elements of language survival in the face of the clashes of civilization, thinking, political and economy. In addition to that, the inner conflicts that are witnessed by the Arab world to adapt to the arising matters and issues. This effort will entail to overcome the new direction in language that is vicious toward the past and at the time try to accommodative to the new and contemporary. The research has concluded that: semiotic rules and regulations of political speech should be reviewed, so as for mass media to penetrate deeply in the technical meanings and expression like the politicians.Keywords: Arabic Language – Terminological phrases –reception of political expressions - politics of phrases – politics games.AbstrakTerdapat banyak perbincangan tentang bahasa politik dan propaganda selepas kejadian 11 September, dan telah timbul pelbagai istilah, pernyataan dan bentuk bahasa baru yang bercanggah dengan pengetahuan latarbelakang pendengar serta apa yang telah mereka fahami sebelum ini.  Ia seperti menenunbah asabaru dan terkini, meninggalkan jarak untuk begitu lama yang mencorakkan pembentukan dasar, perjalanan media dan propaganda. Namun, pihak yang menguasai retraktororientasi linguistic terkini itulah yang akan menentukan kandungan perjalanan bahasa Arab dalam pencarian konsep yang berbeza dengan ketiadaan mobility perkembangan liguistik, seterusnya memartabatkan identity pengguna bahasa tersebut.  Sementara beberapa kamus tertentu yang bersifat elitism dan terpinggir pula mencabar keegoan dan diri. Dalam mencari masa depan, factor lisan bersifat mampu saing memainkan peranan penting dalam aruskonflik tamadun, pemikiran, politik dan ekonomi ini dalam menapis momentum bahasa agar mencaku pirealiti tamadun semasa serta kejutan sosial yang teraruh supaya bersesuaian dengan keadaan semasa. Ini memerlukan kesungguhan penguasaan bahasa baru yang tersimpang dari pada yang dulu, dan pada masa yang sama ia tidak terpisah dari pada yang lama.  Bahasa baru ialah hasil pergerakan bahasa semasa, bahasa perundingan dan bahasa istilah semasa.  Ia adalah bahasa propaganda, pernyataan beristilah yang baru dan bahasa wacana politik semasa.  Antara dapatan penting kajian ialah: semakan semula nahu dan prosidur semantic bagi bahasa wacana politik, pihak media mendalami penggunaan istilah serta pernyataan dalam politik.Kata kunci: Bahasa Arab – pernyataan beristilah – pemahaman pernyataan politik – politik pernyataan – permainan politik


Author(s):  
Matthew Kroenig

This chapter introduces the subject of the book and summarizes its basic argument and structure. It explains that the United States of America has been the world’s leading state for the past seven decades, but that great power rivalry has returned in recent years with Russia and China becoming more assertive on the international stage. Indeed, many believe the days of U.S. global leadership are coming to an end in the face of challenges from its leading autocratic rivals. In contrast, this chapter argues that democracies have systematic advantages in international politics and that there is good reason to believe that the American era of international preeminence will endure.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Wahyudi Akmaliah

Although the Talang Sari tragedy as a part of the representation of Indonesian Muslim oppression during the authoritarian regime, it is relatively lesser known for Indonesian public. The avoidance of the most Indonesian Muslim who did not support it is one of those facts. Indeed, they did a less attention to talk and to articulate the case to the public. This paper intends to revisit the case of the Talang Sari as one of the unsolved human rights violation during the authoritarian regime. It is not only exploring the case and also examining the context of violence, but also tracing dynamic of the case during and post of authoritarian regime by the emergence of Islah agreement as cultural impu- nity to forget the past for many victims. The questions deals with in this paper are following: what kind of conditions that made the Talang Sari was happen- ing in East Lampung in 1989, South Sumatra during the Suharto presidency? How did the Suharto regime control the discourse of the tragedy in Indone- sian public that eventually encourage most Indonesian Muslim did not actively respond the killings? Although the reformasi era gives an opportunity break silences by asking justice to the current Indonesian government on hu- man rights violation, why those cases, especially the Talang Sari, are unsolved? This paper divided into three parts to answering the questions. Firstly, it is to understand the case of Talang Sari by discussing the context of the New Order’s policy on Indonesian Muslim and its political ideology. Secondly, it is to read deeply mass media in making discourse on the case as one of the triggers for most Indonesian Muslim did not respond it. Thirdly, it is to analyze the Islah agreement (reconciliation in Islamic term) as the primary factor that contrib- uted why cultural impunity has seemingly embedded to bring justice to the victims of violence generally in the post of Suharto regime. Meskipun Peristiwa Talang Sari sebagai bagian dari representasi penindasan masyarakat Muslim Indonesia selama rejim otoriter berkuasa, peristiwa itu jarang diketahui oleh publik Indonesia. Pengabaian kebanyakan Muslim Indo- nesia yang tidak mendukung upaya penyelesaian kasus tersebut adalah salah satu buktinya. Bahkan, mereka tidak membicarakan dan mengangkat kasus Talang Sari di ruang publik. Artikel ini bermaksud melihat kembali peristiwa Talang Sari sebagai salah satu kasus pelanggaran yang belum diselesaikan. Selain mengeksplorasi kasus, menjelaskan konteks kekerasan, artikel ini juga menelusuri dinamika kasus tersebut sebelum dan pasca rejim Orde Baru, khususnya seiring dengan kemunculan Islah sebagai Impunitas Kultural untuk melupakan masa lalu oleh sebagaian korban. Pertanyaannya yang diajukan dalam artikel ini adalah: kondisi-kondisi semacam apa yang membuat kasus Talang Sari terjadi di Lampung Timur pada tahun 1989, Sumatera Selatan saat presiden Suharto berkuasa? Bagaimana rejim Suharto mengontrol wacana peristiwa tersebut yang membuat kebanyakan masyarakat Islam Indonesia tidak menanggapi peristiwa tersebut? Meskipun pasca rejim Orde Baru memberikan kesempatan untuk menyelesaikan kasus tersebut dengan mendesak untuk mengajukan keadilan kepada pemerintah Indonesia, mengapa peristiwa Talang Sari tidak atau belum diselesaikan hingga sekarang?. Untuk menjawab pertanyaan-pertanyaan tersebut, saya membagi penjelasan ini kepada tiga bagian. Pertama, memahami kasus Talang Sari dengan mendiskusikan konteks kebijakan rejim Orde Baru dalam menghadapi umat Islam dan ideologi politiknya. Kedua, membaca lebih dalam media cetak dalam membuat wacana peristiwa tersebut melalui liputan yang dibuat. Asumsi ini diajukan karena liputan media tersebut menjadi salah satu penyebab mengapa kebanyakan umat Islam tidak merespon peristiwa tersebut. Ketiga, menganalisis persetujuan Islah, rekonsiliasi dalam perspektif Islam sebagai faktor utama yang memberikan kontribusi terhadap impunitas kultural untuk membawa keadilan ke jalan yang lebih sulit kepada korban secara umum pasca rejim Suharto.


Liquidity ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 100-109
Author(s):  
Ellya Sestri

An increasingly rapid technological progress in the era of globalization in the business world, so do not rule out the possibility that a decision-making is something that is very vital in determining the decisions to be taken in the face of competitive business world. Decision making can be influenced by several aspects, this can affect the speed of decision making by the decision maker in which decisions must be quick and accurate. Lecturer Performance Assessment Using the Analytical Hierarchy Process is a decision support system that aims to assess faculty performance according to certain criteria. This system of faculty performance appraisal criteria to map a hierarchy, where each hierarchy will be performed pairwise comparison, the pairwise comparisons between criteria, so to get a comparison of the relative importance of criteria with each other. The results of this comparison is then analyzed to obtain the priority of each criterion. Once completed and performed an assessment of alternative options to be compared and calculated to obtain the best alternatives according to established criteria.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 298-318
Author(s):  
Roman Girma Teshome

The effectiveness of human rights adjudicative procedures partly, if not most importantly, hinges upon the adequacy of the remedies they grant and the implementation of those remedies. This assertion also holds water with regard to the international and regional monitoring bodies established to receive individual complaints related to economic, social and cultural rights (hereinafter ‘ESC rights’ or ‘socio-economic rights’). Remedies can serve two major functions: they are meant, first, to rectify the pecuniary and non-pecuniary damage sustained by the particular victim, and second, to resolve systematic problems existing in the state machinery in order to ensure the non-repetition of the act. Hence, the role of remedies is not confined to correcting the past but also shaping the future by providing reforming measures a state has to undertake. The adequacy of remedies awarded by international and regional human rights bodies is also assessed based on these two benchmarks. The present article examines these issues in relation to individual complaint procedures that deal with the violation of ESC rights, with particular reference to the case laws of the three jurisdictions selected for this work, i.e. the United Nations, Inter-American and African Human Rights Systems.


Moreana ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 46 (Number 176) (1) ◽  
pp. 175-190
Author(s):  
Bernard Bourdin

The legacy from Christianity unquestionably lies at the root of Europe, even if not exclusively. It has taken many aspects from the Middle Ages to modern times. If the Christian heritage is diversely understood and accepted within the European Union, the reason is essentially due to its political and religious significance. However, its impact in politics and religion has often been far from negative, if we will consider what secular societies have derived from Christianity: human rights, for example, and a religious affiliation which has been part and parcel of national identity. The Christian legacy has to be acknowledged through a critical analysis which does not deny the truth of the past but should support a European project built around common values.


2011 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Manuel A. Vasquez ◽  
Anna L. Peterson

In this article, we explore the debates surrounding the proposed canonization of Archbishop Oscar Romero, an outspoken defender of human rights and the poor during the civil war in El Salvador, who was assassinated in March 1980 by paramilitary death squads while saying Mass. More specifically, we examine the tension between, on the one hand, local and popular understandings of Romero’s life and legacy and, on the other hand, transnational and institutional interpretations. We argue that the reluctance of the Vatican to advance Romero’s canonization process has to do with the need to domesticate and “privatize” his image. This depoliticization of Romero’s work and teachings is a part of a larger agenda of neo-Romanization, an attempt by the Holy See to redeploy a post-colonial and transnational Catholic regime in the face of the crisis of modernity and the advent of postmodern relativism. This redeployment is based on the control of local religious expressions, particularly those that advocate for a more participatory church, which have proliferated with contemporary globalization


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