Searching for the past in present defeat:the construction of historical and political identity in British feminism in the 1920s and 1930s

1994 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 57-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilda Kean
Keyword(s):  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oskar Habjanič ◽  
Verena Perko

The article deals with the relationship between the local community, museum collections, collective memory and the cultural landscape. The ICOM Code of Museum Ethics defines a museum collection as a cultural and natural heritage of the communities from which they have been derived. The collections, especially in regional museums, are inextricably linked to the community. The cultural landscape can be read also as a bridge between the society and natural environment. The cultural landscape is vitally connected with a national, regional, local, ethnic, religious or political identity. Furthermore, the cultural landscape is a reflection of the community's activities. Therefore, private collections are the foundation of the collective memory and empower museums for important social tasks. They offer an opportunity for multilayered interpretation of the past and give a possibility for museums to work on the inclusion of vulnerable groups. The collections could be a mediator and unique tool for recovering of the “broken” memory. In this way certain tragic past events, ignored or only bigotedly mentioned by history, can be re-evaluated.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 392-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Youngmin Kim

This paper is about how the historical vision of Confucius was constructed in the Analects of Confucius. This analysis concentrates on its particular aspects like the notion of Zhou (1046–256 BCE) – the historical dynasty from which Confucius takes much of his guidance on culture, virtue, and refinement. The first part of this paper is to open up a space for a multidimensional and conceptually rich approach to what we might call Confucius’ ‘vision of history’. It challenges some problematic assumptions and approaches that have constituted an obstacle to inquiry into the study of Confucius’ thought – among them, the idea that Confucius was a ‘traditionalist’ who sought to bring back the ritual practices of the early Zhou. Then, I proceed to present a fine-grained textual analysis of the Analects and consider some broader conceptual issues involved in it. In particular, I argue that Confucius’ recognition of meta-knowing infuses the subject with new depths, which link Confucian ritual performance with agency and self-consciousness. In the next section, by establishing as an object of inquiry the imaginary category of ‘Zhou’, rather than the ‘factual’, evidentiary category of ‘Zhou’, I position Confucius’s vision in a comprehensive discussion of political identity.


Author(s):  
Konstiantyn Kysliuk ◽  

In the article had been considered the features of the representations of Ukrainian identity in the visual content of 5 most popular Telegram-channels («Ukraine 24/7»; «Ukraine now», «Ukraine Online», «TSN», «Insider UA»). Two groups of its markers had been determineted – Political Identity (combination of blue-yellow colors, national banner or emblem (trident) as the center of the image or the dominant background) and Military (man and women in Ukrainian military uniforms, weapons and military equipment) In fact, the share of which markers had been highest than formally 2–3% of the total visual content for every group. The first group, which embodies the civic and political identity, had been determineted as a leading Its spread had been explained by the direction of the current government's domestic policy on «citizens of Ukraine» who were not differentiated according to geopolitical and value preferences. The production of Military markers had been explained by the continuing relevance of military news in the context of the undeclared war between Russia and Ukraine. It also reflects the state of partial military mobilization of public consciousness over the past 6 years. The broadcast of such images in the Telegram had been detached from its traditional basis – a real, ethnically charged identity. Whose identification characteristics (uniform, chevrons, stripes, awards, badges on military equipment) had been not brought to the center of image. On the basis of previous researches of the author had been noted that another – ethnically charged level of Ukrainian identity was more widely represented on social networks Facebook and Instagram. There Ukraine was associated with a woman in a national costume or an image of a field with ripe wheat or sunflower. The greater share of accompanying military images (14% of the total visual array in Facebook communities), the presence in their visual content of a special female military (3%) did not really change the narrative «Ukraine as a woman does not want war». In these communication channels had been found the only common present day symbol of Ukraine, both visual and memorial, – the images of the Independence Monument on the square of the same name in Kiev. This clearly demonstrates the incompleteness of Ukraine’s postmodernization processes, including at the area of values, cultural memory and the hierarchy of identities.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Stefan Salomon ◽  
Jorrit Rijpma

Abstract Border controls within the Schengen area are meant to be a thing of the past. Yet, since the refugee crisis of 2015, “temporary” border controls have become quasi permanent in several European Union Member States. Although these controls are against the letter and spirit of the Schengen Borders Code, the Commission has not taken any measures to enforce these rules. One of the reasons for the dismal state of the Schengen area is the one-sided focus on the abolition of internal border controls as primarily functional for the establishment of the internal market. This comes at the expense of Union citizens’ rights and disregards the fundamental role that the abolition of border controls has on how citizens see the Union in political terms and conceive themselves as Union citizens. Against this background, we argue that from its beginning the objective of the project to abolish border controls was to foster a supranational political identity of Union citizens by transforming citizens’ spatial experience. Union citizenship in the current EU Treaty framework constitutes the legal expression of that historical connection between the abolition of border controls and free movement. Emphasizing the citizenship dimension of an area without internal frontiers provides a different perspective on current controls at the Schengen internal borders.


Author(s):  
Margaret Litvin

This chapter explores Hamlet's meaning in today's Arabic political vocabulary. Hamlet has been invoked in reference to nearly every major and minor political crisis touching the Arab world in the past decade. Analyzing his function in recent polemical writings such as newspaper columns, speeches, and sermons, this chapter shows how Arab writers read “to be or not to be” not as a meditation on the individual's place in the world but as an argument about collective political identity. Other themes from Hamlet—words/deeds, sleep/waking, madness/wholeness—help reinforce the urgency of the crisis. However, these cries of outrage and alarm are not the only approach to the issue of historical agency. As a counterpoint the chapter offers an instance of Hamlet rewriting by the important Palestinian–Iraqi writer Jabra Ibrahim Jabra.


Author(s):  
Sheldon S. Wolin

In the span of a few short years, as Americans have watched the visible deterioration of their nation's power at home and abroad, they have experienced something unknown to American history since the early nineteenth century: a sense of collective vulnerability. Perhaps the clearest proof of the widespread perception of powerlessness is in the eagerness with which virtually all segments of the American public have supported the extraordinary increases in defense spending over the past decade. This chapter asks, what does it mean for America to ground its collective existence upon the type of power embodied in a highly advanced economy whose destructive effects upon nature, society, and the human body and psyche are documented daily with depressing regularity? The question is about political identity, about who Americans are as a people.


Inner Asia ◽  
2006 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-73
Author(s):  
Tatyana D. Skrynnikova ◽  
Darima D. Amogolonova

AbstractIn the identity discourse of Post Soviet Buryatia the modelling of ethnic boundaries has priority, and the ethnic marker ‘Buryat’ is increasingly replaced by the wider marker ‘Buryat- Mongol.’ In this way a revitalised historical memory allows the synonymising of ethnicity and political identity. This move inspires elites in their construction of a new mythology, in which the glorious pages of the Mongol empire and Chinggis Khan have become the basis of a new discourse. The article shows how elites use the ‘confirmations’ that are allegedly preserved in the legends to affirm their identity. Such ideas include, that it is in the territory of ethnic Buryatia that the most sacred places connected to Chinggis Khan are located (his birthplace, throne, and burial place). Furthermore, Chinggis Khan is ‘privatised’: his Buryat origin and even the Buryat sources of the Mongol empire is ‘proved.’ Positive features of Chinggis’s character and intentions, and his progressive activities in the creation of ‘Eurasian’ and ‘global’ space, are emphasised. The discourse asserts the globalising character of his activities not only in the lay sense and not only regarding the past. The article discusses how the quoted texts both implicitly and explicitly contain the idea that a happy future for the Buryats is inevitably determined by their ties with Chinggis Khan and the loci connected with him, an idea which sacralises and cosmologises the territories where Buryats reside.


2004 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danielle Goldman

For the past few years, critics, fans, and even Bill T. Jones himself have been talking about the artist's move from explicitly political, identity-based works to an investigation of aesthetics and pure movement. They talk about the more conventional makeup of Jones's current ensemble—the fact that Lawrence Goldhuber and Alexandra Beller are no longer in the company, dancers described in theNew York Timesas “imperfect” because “chubbier than the norm” (Dunning 2002). They discuss the fact that Jones rarely uses text these days and is no longer confrontational. He dances to Beethover and performs at Lincoln Center with the Chamber Music Society. In a 1997 mterview with Richard Covington, Jones explains this shift in his work by stating, “It's not quite as sexy to talk about. What was being said in those earlier works was as important as how it was being danced. Here, I'm trying to think about how it's danced first, trusting that the political, social, all those things are in our bodies literally, and in the eyes of the beholder” (Covington 1997).


2005 ◽  
Vol 68 ◽  
pp. 136-139
Author(s):  
Mary Jo Maynes

Approaches to the history of class relations in Germany as elsewhere have changed dramatically over the past two decades or so. Historical class analysis, which once pointed to the clear significance of class as a social marker, a cultural and political identity, in short, as a force of history, has became dulled in the wake of the collapse of socialism, the decline of organized labor, and the intellectual challenges associated with postmodernism, feminism, and race theory. As one student remarked in a recent seminar on the history and historiography of class relations in Europe, class has become the unexamined third pillar of the race, class, gender triad. Historians do not deny the significance of class relations; it has just that figuring out how to theorize and document the history of class is much more complicated than it used to be.


2018 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Michael Green

The economic crisis in Greece, and the reaction to it by key European institutions, gives scholars a unique opportunity to test the instrumentalist model for explaining the dynamics of political identity. This study seeks to do that, marshalling both quantitative and qualitative indicators of European identity in Greece, and examining how this identity has changed over the past decade under conditions of crisis and external pressure. Do Greeks now self-identify less as European than they used to because the utility of such an identity has diminished? The evidence presented in this analysis suggests that that is the case.


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