Too right-wing for police integrity? General socio-political attitudes connect work experiences to police integrity

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Filip Van Droogenbroeck ◽  
Sanja Kutnjak Ivkovic ◽  
Bram Spruyt
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 103-127
Author(s):  
I.S. Prusova

Objective. Develop a questionnaire to measure attitudes about ideal government and analyze the psychometric properties of this tool. Background. Psychological studies showed the key role of political attitudes (conservatism/liberalism) in different forms of political activity. Conservatism-liberalism dichotomy did not correspond with actual political “agenda” in Russia that induced the question about the structure of political attitudes. Study design. To indicate the attitudes about ideal government, an online survey was conducted. The structure of political attitudes was analysed through confirmatory factor analysis, and analyses of reliability, validity, and invariance. Participants. The research consisted of 2 independent studies. About 610 participants took part at the study 1 (353 men and 257 women) over 18 years old (M=34.28; SD=13.82); and 378 participants (196 men and 182 women) over 18 years old (M=35.26; SD=10.54) at the study 2. Methods. Russian-language versions of the scales of Needs for cognitive clousure, Openness to experience (“Big Five”), Right-wing Authoritarianism, System Justification, and the author’s questionnaire of attitudes about an ideal government. Additionally, participants completed the self-categoriaiton scales about political orientations (“left-right”; “liberal-conservatives”). Results. The structure of attitudes about the ideal government consisted of “respect” and “support”. “Political respect” was correspondent to “liberal” and “left-wing” self-identification that indicated the criterion validity. At the same time, the analysis of convergent validity showed that “respect” and “support” were linked with right-wing authoritarianism and need for cognitive clousure. Conclusions. The structure of political attitudes in Russia consisted of “governmental support” and “political respect”. The current perspective discussed in the context of liberal/conservative political orientations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009059172098577
Author(s):  
Paul Apostolidis

This essay explores the mutual reinforcements between socioeconomic precarity and right-wing populism, and then envisions a politics that contests Trumpism through workers’ organizations that create alternatives to predominant patterns of subject formation through work. I first revisit my recent critique of precarity, which initiates a new method of critical theory informed by Paulo Freire’s political pedagogy of popular education. Reading migrant day laborers’ commentaries on their work experiences alongside critical accounts of today’s general work culture, this “critical-popular” procedure yields a conception of precarity with two defining characteristics. First, precarity is socially bivalent: it singles out specific groups for especially harsh treatment even as it pervades society. Second, precarity constitutes subjects through contradictory experiences of time in everyday work-life, exacerbated by insoluble dilemmas of moral responsibility. Antonio Vásquez-Arroyo’s conception of “political literacy” and Bridget Anderson’s notion of “migrantizing the citizen,” in turn, help us understand how precaritization blocks workers from developing the critical dispositions toward time needed for democratic citizenship. This analysis then makes it possible to elucidate, in dialogue with Daniel Martinez-HoSang and Joseph Lowndes, how precaritized worker-citizenship facilitates the cross-class and multiracial appeal of Trumpism’s white supremacist discourse of national economic decline and resurgence, while normalizing the temporal affects of shock and violence characteristic of Trumpism, as theorized by Lia Haro and Romand Coles. Day laborers’ worker centers, I argue, refunction precaritized time, regenerate political literacy, and migrantize the citizen. A large-scale alternative to right-wing populism thus could emerge if the worker center network were expanded throughout the economy.


2018 ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
Piotr Pawełczyk ◽  
Karolina Churska-Nowak ◽  
Barbara Jankowiak

It is indisputable that emotions predominate in shaping political attitudes. This is corroborated by the development of political marketing, whose techniques and means are mainly directed at voters’ emotions. The paper presents the results of research into the affective component in the political attitudes of university students. To a large extent the analysis confirms the hypothesis that religious organizations have a significant impact on developing a positive emotional attitude towards right-wing politicians and parties, whereas the media strongly influence the emergence of similar attitudes towards liberal political entities. Advocates of the right wing declare their commitment to national values and patriotism, while demonstrating a relatively passive attitude to politics. The respondents whose opinions indicate liberal sympathies emphasize their satisfaction with life and intention to be active in the field of politics. The important conclusion to be drawn from this research is that the family contin- ues to have a significant impact on the emotional political attachments of the young, whereas the influence of school in this regard is definitely limited.


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 237802311770477 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Kurzman ◽  
Ahsan Kamal ◽  
Hajar Yazdiha

Does ideology affect assessment of the threat of violent extremism? A survey of law enforcement agencies in the United States in 2014 offers a comparison suggesting a small but statistically significant effect: Political attitudes were correlated with assessment of threats posed by Muslim extremists, and threat assessment was not correlated with the number of Muslim Americans who had engaged in violent extremism within the agency’s jurisdiction. By contrast, the perceived threat of right-wing terrorism was correlated with the number of incidents of right-wing violence and not with political attitudes. These findings reflect the context of growing polarization of attitudes toward Muslims in the United States as well as the challenge of bringing counterterrorism policies into proportion with the actual scale of violent extremism.


1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 277-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Archer ◽  
Faron Ellis

AbstractThis article provides a systematic examination of the social bases and ideological and policy orientations of the Reform party of Canada through a study of the attitudes of delegates attending its 1992 national assembly. We identify the core political attitudes of Reform activists, and examine whether their positions on policy matters are distinctive and whether they are characterized by internal cohesion or division. We then examine the party's mobilization strategy to determine the extent to which this strategy produces systematic cleavages among party activists. Our analysis reveals that Reform promotes a distinctive position on a number of salient political issues. However, we also challenge the view that Reform activists are united by a unidimensional right-wing ideology. We conclude by discussing the impact of party mobilization on future divisions within the party.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Edita Fino ◽  
Michela Menegatti ◽  
Alessio Avenanti ◽  
Monica Rubini

Abstract Spontaneous emotionally congruent facial responses (ECFR) to others’ emotional expressions can occur by simply observing others’ faces (i.e., smiling) or by reading emotion related words (i.e., to smile). The goal of the present study was to examine whether language describing political leaders’ emotions affects voters by inducing emotionally congruent facial reactions as a function of readers’ and politicians’ shared political orientation. Participants read sentences describing politicians’ emotional expressions, while their facial muscle activation was measured by means of electromyography (EMG). Results showed that reading sentences describing left and right-wing politicians “smiling” or “frowning” elicits ECFR for ingroup but not outgroup members. Remarkably, ECFR were sensitive to attitudes toward individual leaders beyond the ingroup vs. outgroup political divide. Through integrating behavioral and physiological methods we were able to consistently tap on a ‘favored political leader effect’ thus capturing political attitudes towards an individual politician at a given moment of time, at multiple levels (explicit responses and automatic ECFR) and across political party membership lines. Our findings highlight the role of verbal behavior of politicians in affecting voters’ facial expressions with important implications for social judgment and behavioral outcomes.


2014 ◽  
Vol 115 (3) ◽  
pp. 710-724 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adelheid A. M. Nicol ◽  
Kevin Rounding

Right-Wing Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation have been found to be related with Person-Organization fit. This study examined whether alienation also plays a role in the relation between Person-Organization fit and these two socio-political attitudes. Measures of Right-Wing Authoritarianism, Social Dominance Orientation, alienation, and Person-Organization fit were given to a sample of Officer Cadets ( N = 99; M age = 22.8 yr., SD = 5.4). The findings suggest that when individuals felt alienated, Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism were not related to Person-Organization fit. When alienation was low, Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism interacted to predict Person-Organization fit. Therefore, feelings of alienation can influence the perception of fit within an organization and the relation between perception of fit with Social Dominance Orientation and Right-Wing Authoritarianism.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin Oosterhoff ◽  
Ashleigh Poppler ◽  
Cara Alexis Palmer

Political homophily represents the tendency for people to affiliate and engage with others who share similar political viewpoints, which can enhance attitude intensity and increase polarization. Little research has examined political homophily during early adolescence, a developmental period when political attitudes are first beginning to form and friendship choices become more autonomous. We examined political homophily using a social network approach with middle school students (N=213; Mage=12.5; 57% female) from a remote US community. Pre-registered analyses indicate that rural early adolescents were more likely to spend time with those who had greater similarities in their political attitudes and values. These effects were most consistent for right-wing authoritarianism, patriotism, and anti-immigration attitudes. Our results show that political homophily is evident at an early age when young people are forming their political beliefs and making decisions about their friendships, suggesting that political tribalism may emerge early in life.


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