scholarly journals Struktura i uwarunkowania afektywne go komponentu postaw politycznych studentów

2018 ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
Piotr Pawełczyk ◽  
Karolina Churska-Nowak ◽  
Barbara Jankowiak
Keyword(s):  
Satisfaction With Life ◽  
Political Attitudes ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Important Conclusion ◽  
Affective Component ◽  
National Values ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Passive Attitude

It is indisputable that emotions predominate in shaping political attitudes. This is corroborated by the development of political marketing, whose techniques and means are mainly directed at voters’ emotions. The paper presents the results of research into the affective component in the political attitudes of university students. To a large extent the analysis confirms the hypothesis that religious organizations have a significant impact on developing a positive emotional attitude towards right-wing politicians and parties, whereas the media strongly influence the emergence of similar attitudes towards liberal political entities. Advocates of the right wing declare their commitment to national values and patriotism, while demonstrating a relatively passive attitude to politics. The respondents whose opinions indicate liberal sympathies emphasize their satisfaction with life and intention to be active in the field of politics. The important conclusion to be drawn from this research is that the family contin- ues to have a significant impact on the emotional political attachments of the young, whereas the influence of school in this regard is definitely limited.

scholarly journals The Strategic Bias: How Journalists Respond to Antimedia Populism

2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110226
Author(s):  
Ayala Panievsky
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Press Freedom ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Best Response ◽  
Semistructured Interviews ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Strategic Bias ◽  
Use Of Social Media ◽  
The Right

As populist campaigns against the media become increasingly common around the world, it is ever more urgent to explore how journalists adopt and respond to them. Which strategies have journalists developed to maintain the public's trust, and what may be the implications for democracy? These questions are addressed using a thematic analysis of forty-five semistructured interviews with leading Israeli journalists who have been publicly targeted by Israel's Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu. The article suggests that while most interviewees asserted that adherence to objective reporting was the best response to antimedia populism, many of them have in fact applied a “strategic bias” to their reporting, intentionally leaning to the Right in an attempt to refute the accusations of media bias to the Left. This strategy was shaped by interviewees' perceived helplessness versus Israel's Prime Minister and his extensive use of social media, a phenomenon called here “the influence of presumed media impotence.” Finally, this article points at the potential ramifications of strategic bias for journalism and democracy. Drawing on Hallin's Spheres theory, it claims that the strategic bias might advance Right-wing populism at present, while also narrowing the sphere of legitimate controversy—thus further restricting press freedom—in the future.

scholarly journals IDEOLOGI RADIKALISME DALAM ISLAM TENTANG WACANA HOMOSEKSUAL DI MEDIA MASSA

2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 193
Author(s):  
Fita Fathurokhmah
Keyword(s):  
Mass Media ◽  
Human Being ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Individual Freedom ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Same Sex ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Mass Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Ideological Difference

This article wants to examine how the media ideology about the concept of radicalism in Islam in the mass media of Republika and Koran Tempo. The Republika newspaper supports and agrees to the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) both with an understanding of the prohibition of homosexuality and the appointment of news of FPI's violence against homosexuals. The Tempo newspaper is more about renewing ideas such as reporting on the views of the Liberal Islam Network (JIL) in respect of homosexuals. Homosexuality is the same sex lover or the choice of sexuality abnormalities is normal as a human being, it does not need to be criticized but must be respected as individual freedom. There is a fundamental ideological difference between Republika and Koran Tempo by renewing the concept of homosexuality with thinking radicalism on the basis of Islamic teachings. The homosexual issue, FPI applies the meaning of Islamic radicalism from the right-wing side which promotes violence as resistance, while JIL applies the meaning of radicalism from the left-wing side which prioritizes the radicalism of thought and law in the Koran.  AbstrakArtikel ini ingin mengkaji bagaimana ideologi media tentang konsep radikalisme dalam Islam di media massa Republika dan Koran Tempo. Surat kabar Republika mendukung dan setuju pada Front Pembela Islam (FPI) baik dengan pemahaman pelarangan homoseksual dan pengangkatan berita tindak kekerasan FPI melawan homoseksual. Koran Tempo lebih pada pembaharuan pemikiran seperti pemberitaan pandangan Jaringan Islam Liberal (JIL) terkait menghormatinya kaum homoseksual. Homoseksual adalah penyuka sesama jenis atau pilihan kelainan seksualitas itu normal sebagai manusia, tidak perlu dicela tapi harus dihargai sebagai kebebasan individu. Terdapat perbedaan ideologi yang mendasar antara Republika dan Koran Tempo dengan melakukan pembaharuan konsep homoseksual dengan radikalisme berpikir dengan pijakan ajaran Islam. Persoalan homoseksual, FPI menerapkan makna radikalisme Islam dari sisi sayap kanan yang mengedepankan kekerasan sebagai perlawanan, sedangkan JIL menerapkan makna radikalisme dari sisi sayap kiri yang mengutamakan keradikalan pemikiran dan hukum dalam al-Quran.

Leaving

Jimmy Reid ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 159-192
Author(s):  
W.W.J. Knox ◽  
A. McKinlay
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Political ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Road ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Power Base ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right

The chapter explores his vain attempts to be elected as a full-time national official of the AEU defeated by the right-wing of the union’s leadership. It also exposes the organisational deficiencies of Reid; a man capable of motivating and inspiring workers but unable to build a mass power base within the political or industrial arenas. It also discusses critically Reid’s narrative concerning the road to leaving the CPGB as well as the reception to his decision both within the media and among the party membership. We contend that international events such as the Prague invasion were secondary influences, rather we argue it was events nearer to home that were more influential. Thus, we discuss how the rejection of the concept of the revolutionary party by the CPGB in favour of broad-based parliamentary alliances narrowed the ideological chasm between communists and the Labour left. Indeed, the only issue dividing them was the continued support by the former for the Soviet Union; something that Reid had begun to reject. The other factor was his dissatisfaction with party democracy. Reid left in 1976 and joined the Labour Party two years later. Fast tracked by the left he stood as Labour candidate in 1979 in Dundee where he suffered the same fate as in 1974.

Digital Resources: Chile’s Centro de Investigación y Documentación (CIDOC) and Anti-Communism in the 1964 Elections

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Botto Stuven
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Contemporary History ◽  
Christian Democracy ◽  
Salvador Allende ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right

The Documentation Center of the Contemporary History of Chile (CIDOC), which belongs to the Universidad Finis Terrae (Santiago), has a digital archive that contains the posters and newspapers inserts of the anti-communist campaign against Salvador Allende’s presidential candidacy in 1964. These appeared in the main right-wing newspapers of Santiago, between January and September of 1964. Although the collection of posters in CIDOC is not complete, it is a resource of great value for those who want to research this historical juncture, considering that those elections were by far the most contested and conflicting in the history of Chile during the 20th Century, as it implicted the confrontation between two candidates defending two different conceptions about society, politics, and economics. On the one hand, Salvador Allende, the candidate of the Chilean left; on the other, Eduardo Frei, the candidate of the Christian Democracy, coupled with the traditional parties of the Right. While the technical elements of the programs of both candidates did not differ much from each other, the political campaign became the scenario for an authentic war between the “media” that stood up for one or the other candidate. Frei’s anticommunist campaign had the financial aid of the United States, and these funds were used to gather all possible resources to create a real “terror” in the population at the perspective of the Left coming to power. The Chilean Left labeled this strategy of using fear as the “Terror Campaign.”

scholarly journals Right-wing populism and feminist politics: The case of Law and Justice in Poland

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212094891
Author(s):  
Anna Gwiazda
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Gender Ideology ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
National Values ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Right ◽  
Social Conservatism

This article disentangles the complexity of right-wing populism and feminist politics using an original framework based on inputs (representative claims) and outputs (policies) to examine a Polish case. In 2015, the right-wing populist Law and Justice party (PiS) formed a single-party majority government led by a female prime minister after winning the elections. PiS is ideologically conservative, promotes traditional and national values and is supported by the Catholic Church. Additionally, it is hostile towards what it calls ‘gender-ideology’ and is reluctant to implement feminist policies. This article also reveals that PiS represents conservative women’s interests and advocates an aspect of conservative feminism, therefore possessing a duality in its claims and policies. Overall, this article draws inferences about the nexus between social conservatism, populism and feminism, and thus seeks to contribute to the scholarly literature by examining a timely issue against the backdrop of rising populism, illiberalism and anti-gender campaigns.

How Globo media manipulated the impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 199-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teun A van Dijk
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
Economic Recession ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
News Reports ◽  
News Program ◽  
Tv News ◽  
Sociopolitical Context ◽  
The Media ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Right

The impeachment of Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff in 2016 was the result of a coup of the economically dominant conservative oligarchy against the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT, the Worker’s Party), in power since 2003. The right wing Brazilian media played a crucial role in this coup by manipulating public opinion as well as the politicians who voted against Dilma. In particular, the media of the powerful Globo Corporation, such as O Globo newspaper, and especially Globo’s Jornal Nacional, the pervasive TV news program, systematically demonized and delegitimized Dilma, as well as ex-President Lula and the PT, in their news reports and editorials by selectively associating them with pervasive corruption and attributing the serious economic recession to them. After a summary of this sociopolitical context, and a brief theoretical definition of manipulation, this article examines some of the manipulative strategies of O Globo’s editorials during March and April 2016.

Saritā and the 1950s Hindi Middlebrow Reader

2019 ◽  
Vol 53 (06) ◽  
pp. 1797-1815
Author(s):  
AAKRITI MANDHWANI
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
State Building ◽  
National Language ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Family ◽  
Popular Magazine ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The 1950S ◽  
The Right

AbstractThe article discusses Saritā, one of the best-selling Hindi magazines of the 1950s, and the part it played in the establishment of the Hindi ‘middlebrow’ reader. While a rich and vibrant journal culture in Hindi had existed since the nineteenth century, what distinguishes the post-1947 Hindi popular magazine is the emergence of the middle class as a burgeoning consumer. Saritā defied prescriptions of Nehruvian state building, as well as the right-wing discourses of nationalism and national language prevalent in the post-Independence space. In addition, it reconfigured biases towards gendered reading and consumption processes, as well as encouraging increased reader participation. This article argues for Saritā’s role in the creation of a middlebrow reading space in the period immediately following Independence, since it not only packaged what was deemed wholesome and educational for the family as a unit, but also, most significantly, promoted readership in segments, with a focus on each individual's reading desires.

The Role Of Nanjing University In The Nanjing Incident

1981 ◽  
Vol 86 ◽  
pp. 332-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Genny Louie ◽  
Kam Louie
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Science And Technology ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Concerted Effort ◽  
Special Significance ◽  
Official Policy ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Right ◽  
Moderating Role

The death of Zhou Enlai a few months earlier gave the Qing Ming Festival in 1976 a special significance. The festival marks the traditional time to mourn the dead, and Zhou had been widely revered. It was generally felt that he had played a moderating role in the leadership, particularly in the turbulent period of the Cultural Revolution. His death created a political vacuum and the position of premier was left vacant. Conflict in the upper echelons of the Party had increased after the Fourth National Peoples’ Congress in January 1975 adopted as official policy Zhou Enlai's call for a concerted effort to modernize China's industry, agriculture, defence, science and technology. Opposition from those who believed that stressing economic goals would undermine political ones began to be reflected in the media as 1975 progressed. By the end of the year an attack had been launched on “the Right–wing deviationist wind.” Fears were aroused that if the left gained power, China might again face a period of chaos and disruption.

Reactions to “patriotic” and “protest” songs in individuals differing in political orientation

2017 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 392-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Ziv
Keyword(s):  
Political Orientation ◽  
Free Expression ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Protest Music ◽  
National Values ◽  
Protest Songs ◽  
The Right ◽  
Main Effects ◽  
Parallel Texts

Music is commonly used in political contexts, to strengthen attitudes and group cohesion. The reported research examined reactions to music representing national values or contesting them in individuals with different political orientations, on issues related to national pride, cohesion and free expression. In Study 1, 100 Israeli participants heard three “patriotic” or “protest” songs and rated their agreement with statements regarding them. Beyond a number of main effects of music and of political orientation, several interactions between these two variables were found. For right-wing participants, patriotic music increased pride whereas protest music increased shame and fear of social disintegration. For left-wing participants, protest music led to higher agreement with the right to free expression. Study 2 included 78 participants and repeated the procedure with parallel texts. Main effects of texts were found, but no main effects of political orientation or interactions were found. Results are discussed in terms of the role and impact of music in political settings.

Over the Top: Dutch Right-Wing Extremist Parties in the Elections of 1994

Politics ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 127-134 ◽  
Author(s):  
C.E. Mudde ◽  
J.J.M. van Holsteyn
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Alternative Explanation ◽  
Second Order ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Electoral Support ◽  
The Media ◽  
Negative Publicity ◽  
The Right ◽  
Over The Top

In 1994 three elections were held in the Netherlands. For a time it seemed that the right-wing extremist parties were destined to break out of their marginal position. However, after these three elections, in terms of electoral support they ended up where they had started. The variation in electoral support for these parties can only in part be attributed to developments within the parties and the (negative) publicity these developments incited in the media. An alternative explanation based upon protest voting and the theory of first and second-order elections appears more promising.

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