The political struggle for ‘the people’: populist discourse in the 2019 South African elections

2020 ◽  
Vol 58 (4) ◽  
pp. 409-432
Author(s):  
Robert Nyenhuis

In recent decades, modern scholars who interpret the meaning of the concept «res publica» proceed from Cicero’s statement that est ... res publica res populi, that is, «the affair or property of the people». Most of them notes that the famous orator only expressed a common opinion shared by all the citizens of Rome. Moreover, in their opinion, res publica should not be considered as a «state», which is characteristic of previous generations of scientists, but as a value concept associated with a direct expression of the sovereignty of the Roman people, which characterizes the system, the cornerstone of which is law and order. The opposite of res publica is tyrannical rule. At first glance, such an interpretation of res publica seems to bring us closer to Roman realities and makes it possible to abandon the use of modern concepts, which often distort the essence of events and phenomena of the classical period. However, this interpretation raises questions when we are faced with how Cicero’s contemporaries, and he himself, practiced this term. As a result, the author of the article believes that the expression «res publica res populi est» is Cicero’s invention, who intentionally translated the Greek term πόλις by the Latin term res publica, which had a polysemantic character and vague definitions. His interpretation deliberately obscured the meaning of the slogan res publica in the political struggle (the «optimates» spoke only about res publica, while the «populares» used the construction res publica = res populi (plebi)), and on the other hand, such an interpretation was needed in order to with its help, imagine the ideal state system, which is at risk if the tyrant captures power. Actually, according to Cicero, the main characteristic feature of res publica is its opposition to the tyrant’s power, because the latter threatens the existence of the Senate and, accordingly, the prominent position of the «best» people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.


2022 ◽  
pp. 57-67
Author(s):  
Katja Gentric

A sense of repetition pervades contemporary South African political and cultural debate. Several recent studies have drawn attention to the fact that the renewed student protests since March 2015 parallel several features of the resistance and liberation movements of the 1970s and 1980s. At a pivotal position between the two moments of political struggle stands the ‘miracle’ of the peaceful transition in 1994. Within this set of circumstances a group of curators, artists, and writers, Gabi Ngcobo and Kemang Wa Lehulere, amongst others, formed a collective under the name CHR (Center for Historical Reenactments) in Johannesburg in 2010. The CHR has pursued several questions that interrogate the complexity of a shared memory bridging segregated Apartheid legacy: how do readings of the past inform contemporary urgencies, and what are the political potentials of artistic interpretations of histories? How do they participate in the formation of new subjectivities?


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Hasan Jashari

In politics we will always have friends, opponents and outsiders. They constantly appear to us and at that moment when we have won one and as such has lost the support of the electorate. But political struggle goes on with other people who use the loss of one to take his post in the electorate. But even the opposition has its announced and not announced opponents. The purpose of this research is that through the theoretical and empirical elaboration of the topic we will collect data on the political power struggle between the four main political parties in Macedonia. By means of statistical data, previous surveys and surveys of 100 students we will analyze various indicators and will make their interpretation. Today, in our political and social level, we all work against one another. To work against others, strategies must be prepared to carry out self-proclaiming to the people, how to deface the opponent, how to elaborate, reveal discoveries about the shortcomings and weaknesses of the enemy camp. It is summed up in the goals - to have information that the other is corrupt, unable,so that we can attack. But the question is that working against others is it becoming a political philosophy and permanent strategy,is it becoming a business, but also a struggle without any moral boundaries, especially in Macedonia but also in Albania and Kosovo.


2002 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 385-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDY MASON

ABSTRACT This author contends that cartooning in its various forms in South Africa played an important role in crystallising issues of allegiance and identity, introducing revolutionary concepts into public discourse, undermining the ideological hegemony of the apartheid state and legitimating the political struggle against apartheid. However, in spite of the fact that numerous black newspapers have subsisted to this day, there remains a dearth of black cartoonists in South Africa. The vexing question of why so few black cartoonists have emerged demands an answer. The villains of the piece appear to be the editors of the socalled 'liberal' newspapers who did nothing (and continue to do very little) to identify indigenous cartooning talent or promote the development of black South African cartooning, choosing rather to share the services of a few white cartoonists and to buy syndicated comic strips. Mason analyses this situation and offers a remedy for solving the problem.


Author(s):  
A.R. Tretyak

The concept “multitude”, popular in political philosophy, largely owes its entrance into the modern political vocabulary to the efforts of Antonio Negri, the Italian philosopher. His research from the 1980s and 1990s gave rise to a synthetic philosophical theory that views multitude as a key element in the political struggle of the left, thereby giving a theoretical impetus to a rebirth of the seemingly forgotten concepts of political philosophy. The article attempts to analyze the formation of the political logic of multitude and demonstrates how this phenomenon became part of the Marxist criticism of the modern society. The first part of the article traces how the idea of multitude as a positive element of politics grows out of the materialist interpretation of Baruch Spinoza. According to the author, Negri by interpreting Spinoza as a “savage ano maly” laid a theoretical foundation for the entire modern discourse of multitude. The conceptualization of the differences between the notions of potentia and potestas made it possible to distinguish between multitude and the people. The people can be seen as an element of potestas — political power that mediates relations between people by introducing the principle of transcendence in the form of representation and the figure of a sovereign. In contrast to the people, multitude with its collective power-potentia embodies a collective plan of immanence that resists representation i.e., a subject of constituent power that does not need representation. The second part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the class approach to multitude, which appears in the works of Negri co-authored with Michael Hardt, where the ontology of multitude is transformed into a political project based on the understanding of class as a political subject that opposes the global capitalist world order.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Sara Ferreira de Almeida ◽  
Daiane Cenachi Barcelos ◽  
Danila Ribeiro Gomes

Countryside education in Brazil is a demand and result of the political struggle undertaken by the people who work and fight for the land, such as quilombolas, riverside dwellers, forest people, indigenous people, peasants, landless people, among others. Its origin and theoretical and methodological assumptions have roots in the field of Popular Education formulated in Brazil, with Paulo Freire as its main reference. In the school context, Countryside Education uses pedagogical instruments that enable the education of critical subjects capable of promoting transformations in their territories. This paper reflects on two of these instruments, Alternation and Thematic Study Project, focusing on the results of their articulation in the Teaching Degree in Countryside Education at the Federal University of Viçosa. This study highlights the influence of Paulo Freire’s legacy on the education of countryside teachers from a liberating perspective.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-295
Author(s):  
Burhanuddin Siregar ◽  
Heri Kusmanto ◽  
Warjio Warjio

The purpose of this study is to identify forms of expression of social organization identity in development policy and political agendas; analyze the function and role of HIKMA as a political actor in development. This research use desciptive qualitative approach. The results showed that the activities and management practices in the social and political environment of the development of the HIKMA organization carried out contained the causality of the cultural and religious traditions of the Mandailing people. From the values and character of the Mandailing community, found a number of basic principles that reinforce the practice of local wisdom at the community level, namely the value of expediency, cohesiveness, kinship of the community members as well as the values of love and unity that are part of Mandailing's noble culture; and Islamic values. HIKMA has a strong connection with the traces of political development activities with the culture and traditions of the people of Mandailing in the past, which are recorded in symbolic expressions through actions, languages, and traditions in daily life. HIKMA and its relation to development politics, do not involve themselves in practical politics but critically encourage political struggles that are practical or oriented and collaborate on power to develop their regions. In this case the political struggle carried out by the political forces of HIKMA really put the interests of the Mandailing people in particular and the community at large. These cultural values are the basic spirit and purpose of the HIKMA struggle.


2014 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Saifullah SA Saifullah SA

This paper deals mainly with the political struggle of the people of Southern Philippine for independence. To a large extent, this paper is about the investigation of the political ideology of these people. To start with, the paper distinguishes between two opposing groups, namely the government and the Muslim group demanding for independence. The Muslims in their turn were then classified into two groups, the one is radical pursuing for political change through political –often violent- activities, and the other is moderate urging for a better life especially for Muslims through a peaceful, constructive, legal, and constitutional means. The paper argues that the government of the Philippine has shown its willingness to find ways of solving the problems through dialogue and peace process. The paper is also interested in discussing the view expressed by Peter Gowing who believes that in the near future the Muslims of the Philippine would be divided into two groups. The one successfully forms autonomous quasi-independent Muslim territories, and the other sticks to the national government having a strong consciousness to work toward the national integration and harmony.


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