scholarly journals Some Remarks on the Res Publica in Cicero

2019 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Law And Order ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
A Value ◽  
The People ◽  
Common Opinion ◽  
Latin Term ◽  
Main Characteristic Feature ◽  
The Ideal ◽  
Res Publica

In recent decades, modern scholars who interpret the meaning of the concept «res publica» proceed from Cicero’s statement that est ... res publica res populi, that is, «the affair or property of the people». Most of them notes that the famous orator only expressed a common opinion shared by all the citizens of Rome. Moreover, in their opinion, res publica should not be considered as a «state», which is characteristic of previous generations of scientists, but as a value concept associated with a direct expression of the sovereignty of the Roman people, which characterizes the system, the cornerstone of which is law and order. The opposite of res publica is tyrannical rule. At first glance, such an interpretation of res publica seems to bring us closer to Roman realities and makes it possible to abandon the use of modern concepts, which often distort the essence of events and phenomena of the classical period. However, this interpretation raises questions when we are faced with how Cicero’s contemporaries, and he himself, practiced this term. As a result, the author of the article believes that the expression «res publica res populi est» is Cicero’s invention, who intentionally translated the Greek term πόλις by the Latin term res publica, which had a polysemantic character and vague definitions. His interpretation deliberately obscured the meaning of the slogan res publica in the political struggle (the «optimates» spoke only about res publica, while the «populares» used the construction res publica = res populi (plebi)), and on the other hand, such an interpretation was needed in order to with its help, imagine the ideal state system, which is at risk if the tyrant captures power. Actually, according to Cicero, the main characteristic feature of res publica is its opposition to the tyrant’s power, because the latter threatens the existence of the Senate and, accordingly, the prominent position of the «best» people.

scholarly journals Ustav, populizam i kraj liberalne demokracije - "referendumanija" ugrožava temelje ustavnog poretka

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The People ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Parliamentary Supremacy ◽  
Political Groups

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.

scholarly journals GENEALOGI REVOLUSI PARADIGMA PEMIKIRAN KEISLAMAN NAHDLATUL ULAMA

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 201
Author(s):  
Tejo Waskito
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Young Generation ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Revolutionary Movement ◽  
Political Reconciliation ◽  
Library Studies ◽  
Nahdlatul Ulama ◽  
Cultural Movement ◽  
The Ideal

This article tries to track genealogy of the Islamic revolutionary paradigm of thought in NU and its various possibilities have arisen. Based on the library studies using the analytical discourse approach, the result revealed that the genealogy of the Islamic paradigm of NU was born due to the internal and external dialectics bridged by multi-epistemology. Based on the 'political reconciliation' event which is called 'returning to khittah 1926' in Situbondo in 1984, NU experienced a shift orientation, not only in the political sphere but also paradigmatically. Hereby, there was social-intellectual mobility marked by the proliferation of social and intellectual discourse among NU’s young generation. The dominance of this activity leading to revolutionary movement in the field of NU’s Islamic paradigm: Aswaja's theology which was originally understood as a doctrine became a thinking methodology (manhaj alfikr); expansion of the legal institution's methodology, from qauly to manhajy; and shifting political struggle, from structural political arena to cultural politics. This discourse became massive among Nu’s young generation caused by the support of Abdurrahman Wahid, the ideal figure known as a locomotive of the NU cultural movement.

scholarly journals The Fight for the Power and the Other One in Politics

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Hasan Jashari
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Statistical Data ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Power Struggle ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The People ◽  
Moral Boundaries ◽  
Social Level

In politics we will always have friends, opponents and outsiders. They constantly appear to us and at that moment when we have won one and as such has lost the support of the electorate. But political struggle goes on with other people who use the loss of one to take his post in the electorate. But even the opposition has its announced and not announced opponents. The purpose of this research is that through the theoretical and empirical elaboration of the topic we will collect data on the political power struggle between the four main political parties in Macedonia. By means of statistical data, previous surveys and surveys of 100 students we will analyze various indicators and will make their interpretation. Today, in our political and social level, we all work against one another. To work against others, strategies must be prepared to carry out self-proclaiming to the people, how to deface the opponent, how to elaborate, reveal discoveries about the shortcomings and weaknesses of the enemy camp. It is summed up in the goals - to have information that the other is corrupt, unable,so that we can attack. But the question is that working against others is it becoming a political philosophy and permanent strategy,is it becoming a business, but also a struggle without any moral boundaries, especially in Macedonia but also in Albania and Kosovo.

Pranks, Tropes and Raspberries: The Dialogic Demeanour of Satire’s Creative Horizon

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-60
Author(s):  
John Baldacchino
Keyword(s):  
Holy Spirit ◽  
Nobel Laureate ◽  
Moral Values ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
Dario Fo ◽  
The World ◽  
The Holy Spirit ◽  
The Ideal

Abstract This essay starts off with a modern-day court jester (Nobel laureate Dario Fo) praising a Pope (Albino Luciani, who became John Paul I). Fo presents us with an historic moment: Luciani scandalises his Church by calling God “Mother.” With utmost seriousness, Fo appreciates the Pope’s kindness and warmth by which the artist perceives a way of scandalising the world out of complacency. In their idealised and situated presentations of the world, the sacred and the profane return the necessary to the contingent (and vice-versa) as moments of equal attention and distraction. Likewise, irony and satire mark our situated sense of the ideal by an inability to unlearn the certainties by which we are urged to construct our world. This is done by first presenting a situated pedagogical context that refuses to provide solutions presumed on measurement, certainty or finality. Secondly this begins to lay claim to the political, aesthetic and moral values that are gained through art’s ironic disposition. Thirdly, through our contingent states of being we begin to understand how education is culturally conditioned and why we need to shift it to another gear – that of unlearning through a weak pedagogy. An atheist, Fo suggests that thanks to Pope Luciani, we now could endear to the Holy Spirit as a spirito ridens, a spirit that laughs. Here one finds a kenotic sense that gives us a glimpse in how an ironic disposition owes its strength and effectiveness to a weak pedagogy. By dint of such weakness, the jester’s pedagogical disposition becomes a form of resistance, exiting the Court in order to be with the people and consequently transformed by the people.

scholarly journals Islamic Utopianism and Political Reality: Ali Hasjmy Reconsidered

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Marhaban Marhaban
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The People ◽  
Islamic Values ◽  
The Ideal

This article describes the political philosophy of Ali Hasjmy in formulating the ideal Islamic state. Hasjmy is an intellectual who has produced many works in the topics of politics, literature, and culture that are very useful for the progress and welfare of the Acehnese people and the Indonesian nation in general. The main source of this research is the work and writings of Hasjmy which are directly oriented to politics and the concept of the state. By using analytical content, this article shows several premises on Hasjmy’s utopian visions, which are; First, Muslims should not be anti-politics due to its important in achieving the benefit of the people; Second, the existence of a Islamic state as mandatory; Third, an Islamic state does not have to exist constitutionally but what must exist as Islamic values in a state; Fourth, the importance of obeying the leader; Fifth, every official or government element is responsible for exercising power.

scholarly journals Class Project of Multitude

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (99) ◽  
pp. 35-52
Author(s):  
A.R. Tretyak
Keyword(s):  
Political Philosophy ◽  
World Order ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Positive Element ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
Constituent Power ◽  
Baruch Spinoza ◽  
The People ◽  
Antonio Negri

The concept “multitude”, popular in political philosophy, largely owes its entrance into the modern political vocabulary to the efforts of Antonio Negri, the Italian philosopher. His research from the 1980s and 1990s gave rise to a synthetic philosophical theory that views multitude as a key element in the political struggle of the left, thereby giving a theoretical impetus to a rebirth of the seemingly forgotten concepts of political philosophy. The article attempts to analyze the formation of the political logic of multitude and demonstrates how this phenomenon became part of the Marxist criticism of the modern society. The first part of the article traces how the idea of multitude as a positive element of politics grows out of the materialist interpretation of Baruch Spinoza. According to the author, Negri by interpreting Spinoza as a “savage ano maly” laid a theoretical foundation for the entire modern discourse of multitude. The conceptualization of the differences between the notions of potentia and potestas made it possible to distinguish between multitude and the people. The people can be seen as an element of potestas — political power that mediates relations between people by introducing the principle of transcendence in the form of representation and the figure of a sovereign. In contrast to the people, multitude with its collective power-potentia embodies a collective plan of immanence that resists representation i.e., a subject of constituent power that does not need representation. The second part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the class approach to multitude, which appears in the works of Negri co-authored with Michael Hardt, where the ontology of multitude is transformed into a political project based on the understanding of class as a political subject that opposes the global capitalist world order.

scholarly journals Educação do Campo como expressão do legado de Paulo Freire: educar para a liberdade na licenciatura por meio da Pedagogia da Alternância e do Projeto de Estudo Temático

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Sara Ferreira de Almeida ◽  
Daiane Cenachi Barcelos ◽  
Danila Ribeiro Gomes
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous People ◽  
School Context ◽  
Popular Education ◽  
Paulo Freire ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The People ◽  
Education In Brazil

Countryside education in Brazil is a demand and result of the political struggle undertaken by the people who work and fight for the land, such as quilombolas, riverside dwellers, forest people, indigenous people, peasants, landless people, among others. Its origin and theoretical and methodological assumptions have roots in the field of Popular Education formulated in Brazil, with Paulo Freire as its main reference. In the school context, Countryside Education uses pedagogical instruments that enable the education of critical subjects capable of promoting transformations in their territories. This paper reflects on two of these instruments, Alternation and Thematic Study Project, focusing on the results of their articulation in the Teaching Degree in Countryside Education at the Federal University of Viçosa. This study highlights the influence of Paulo Freire’s legacy on the education of countryside teachers from a liberating perspective.

scholarly journals Análisis Diagnóstico De Percepción En Adultos Jóvenes Sobre Participación Política Y Voto Electrónico En México

2017 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 120
Author(s):  
Irma Leticia Chávez-Márquez ◽  
Liliana Álvarez-Loya ◽  
María del Carmen Gutiérrez-Diez ◽  
Oscar Alejandro Viramontes-Olivas
Keyword(s):  
Research Work ◽  
Great Influence ◽  
Electronic Voting ◽  
The Political ◽  
Active Population ◽  
A Value ◽  
The People ◽  
Electronic Vote ◽  
Political Studies ◽  
Political Perception

Mexico is challenging the perfection of democracy exercised by the people through voting. The objective of the research was to determine the feasibility of the exercise of electronic voting in Mexico, according to the political perception of young adults. The analysis is focused in the persons between 25 to 46 years old. This is a segment of the population of great importance within the economically active population in Mexico, and by the number of voters in this range, they have great influence on the results of the elections. The work was done from an analysis of the database obtained from the territorial survey conducted nationwide by the Center for Social and Political Studies (CESOP) of the LXII Legislature of the Chamber of Deputies in Mexico between November 21 and December 2, 2014; 1,400 interviews were conducted with 18 senior citizens spread over 132 municipalities throughout the country. The results were grouped into two variables, the first being the Political Participation with three indicators and the second, the Electronic Vote with six indicators. Cronbach Alfa Coefficient was obtained, with a value of 0.715.To measure the internal consistency of the research work, a multivariate factor analysis was performed. The main results indicate that they have low interest in politics. Their intention to vote is high on the following elections. The majority believes that electronic voting, people would come with greater certainty to cast the vote.

scholarly journals UTOPIA KHILĀFAH ISLĀMIYYAH: Studi Tafsir Politik Mohammed Arkoun

2017 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 145
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rikza Muqtada
Keyword(s):  
Great Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Religious Texts ◽  
Ideal State ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Conditions ◽  
Political Interpretation ◽  
Sacred Story ◽  
The Ideal

<p class="Iabstrak"><strong>Abstract:</strong> <em>This paper aims to study Muhammed Arkoun’s political interpretation thought about the ideal state. He shows that each political contestation often uses religion as a legitimation of political interest. Many of discourses in Qur’an, such as old narratives of Qur’an </em>(<em>amtsal al-Qur’an</em>)<em>, is often presented to modify the existing political conditions. Moreover, some of the terms of Quranic discourse, like as ‘Muslim’ or ‘Kafir’ </em>(<em>infidel</em>)<em>, is always in a binary position to create sharp differences between the militant and the opposition. The Qur'anic discourses, intentionally or not, since the time of revealing of the Qur’an has been dragged into the political territory as well the theological territory, so it is able to change the profane history into the sacred story with the great power of sacralization. Although the Qur’an is within the dialectic area, some of Islamist always reduces the meaning of Qur’an to support their agenda in realizing the Islamic State </em>(<em>Khilafah Islamiyah</em>)<em>. For Arkoun, that desire is a utopian politics idea and nothing more than an interpretation of religious texts. There is no agreement among the people about the ideal state concept. Therefore, Arkoun offers the concept of ideal state is if religious authorities and political authorities apply their function professionally yet integrated.</em></p><strong>Abstrak:</strong> Tulisan ini menggagas pemikiran tafsir politik Muhammed Arkoun tentang negara ideal. M. Arkoun menggambarkan bahwa dalam setiap kontestasi politik sering menyeret agama sebagai legitimasi pemangku kepentingan. Wacana-wacana dalam al-Qur’an seperti teladan-teladan kuno (<em>amthāl</em> <em>al-Qur’an</em>) sering dihadirkan untuk memodifikasi kondisi politik yang ada. Selain itu, beberapa istilah dalam wacana al-Qur’an, seperti ‘Muslim’ dan ‘kafir’, diposisikan biner untuk menciptakan perbedaan tajam antara kelompok militan dan oposan. Wacana-wacana qur’ani tersebut, dengan sengaja atau tidak, sejak masa turunnya ayat telah diseret masuk ke dalam wilayah politik sekaligus wilayah teologis, sehingga mampu mengubah sejarah yang profan menjadi kisah sakral dengan kekuasaan sakralisasi yang besar. Meskipun al-Qur’an berada dalam ruang dialektis yang bebas, oleh sebagian kelompok Islamis pemaknaan al-Qur’an direduksi dan dibawa untuk mendukung agenda mewujudkan <em>Islamic State </em>(negara Islam). Bagi Arkoun, keinginan tersebut merupakan gagasan politik yang utopis dan tak lebih dari sebuah interpretasi atas teks agama. Tidak ada kesepakatan di kalangan umat mengenai konsep negara ideal. Karena itu, Arkoun menawarkan konsep negara ideal adalah jika otoritas keagamaan dan otoritas politik berlaku sesuai dengan fungsinya namun tetap terintegrasi.

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