A delicate balancing act: Turkish-Bulgarian relations within the context of foreign and domestic politics

Author(s):  
Emilia Zankina
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.


Asian Survey ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-51
Author(s):  
Hans H. Baerwald
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Aleksey E. Shishkin

Relevance. The market-imposed system of consumerism overstepped the boundaries of bifurcation and entered into “legitimate rights” to abolish the living traditional world, thereby disturbing the balance in society and thereby signed the death sentence to itself. The problem of research. Exploring the possibilities of social reloading from consumerism to communitarianism to restore the balance of power in society. Scientific novelty and research results. Our novelty of research lies in the application of scientific tools to analyze a possible reload. We used the complementarity principle of N. Bohr, the principle of spontaneous emergence of I. Prigogine, the principle of incompatibility L. Zade, the principle of managing uncertainties, the principle of ignorance of individual opinions and collective ideas, the principle of conformity, the principle of diversity of development of a complex system, the principle of unity and mutual transitions, the principle oscillatory (pulsating) evolution – showed instability in the management of society by mondialist-compradors and a possible countdown of the transition from the sensual age to the ideation nnuyu, and in our case – from consumerism to communitarianism. The main purpose of the work. From the apparent modern triumph of consumerism over communitarianism, we are not interested in a fact-problem, but in the idea of transforming reality that can stop the process of obscuration. Discussion and Conclusion. In the Middle Ages, during the construction of the project “Holy Russia”, communities were created according to the principle of “big”. Around the devotee of piety, voluntary monastic settlements were created, which grew into suburbs. Of these, the ascetic-hesychast stood out, who went into the forest and chopped down a new temple. To the righteous people flocked, yearning for a just life. This is how a new community was created. There was a new prayer book and then the big man blessed him to organize other settlements. The state should be interested in finding new forms of solutions for educational, economic, technical, cultural and food programs, therefore the initiative of communitarianists should not be punished, but supported. Today, foreign investors are becoming owners of not only factories, but even entire branches of domestic industry and are able to significantly influence domestic politics in our country. The growing number of immigrants as a destabilizing factor is becoming increasingly important. In such a situation, the fate of the country depends on the ability of the people to a new unification. It is necessary to unite on the basis of religious and cultural traditions on the principle of professional fraternities; if only there would be more centers of spiritual culture, but not by the principle of quantity, as is always the case with officials, but by the qualitative qualification of the “big man” as a center of creative and integrative power. From the foregoing, the idea of building ideational (communitarian) cohorts is born, which, through their ascetic life and creative work, should set a new vector for historical development (“salt”) consumer society.


Author(s):  
Christina L. Davis

The World Trade Organization (WTO) oversees the negotiation and enforcement of formal rules governing international trade. Why do countries choose to adjudicate their trade disputes in the WTO rather than settling their differences on their own? This book investigates the domestic politics behind the filing of WTO complaints and reveals why formal dispute settlement creates better outcomes for governments and their citizens. It demonstrates that industry lobbying, legislative demands, and international politics influence which countries and cases appear before the WTO. Democratic checks and balances bias the trade policy process toward public lawsuits and away from informal settlements. Trade officials use legal complaints to manage domestic politics and defend trade interests. WTO dispute settlement enables states and domestic groups to signal resolve more effectively, thereby enhancing the information available to policymakers and reducing the risk of a trade war. The book establishes this argument with data on trade disputes and landmark cases, including the Boeing-Airbus controversy over aircraft subsidies, disagreement over Chinese intellectual property rights, and Japan's repeated challenges of U.S. steel industry protection. The book explains why the United States gains better outcomes for cases taken to formal dispute settlement than for those negotiated. Case studies of Peru and Vietnam show that legal action can also benefit developing countries.


Author(s):  
Karen J. Alter

In 1989, when the Cold War ended, there were six permanent international courts. Today there are more than two dozen that have collectively issued over thirty-seven thousand binding legal rulings. This book charts the developments and trends in the creation and role of international courts, and explains how the delegation of authority to international judicial institutions influences global and domestic politics. The book presents an in-depth look at the scope and powers of international courts operating around the world. Focusing on dispute resolution, enforcement, administrative review, and constitutional review, the book argues that international courts alter politics by providing legal, symbolic, and leverage resources that shift the political balance in favor of domestic and international actors who prefer policies more consistent with international law objectives. International courts name violations of the law and perhaps specify remedies. The book explains how this limited power—the power to speak the law—translates into political influence, and it considers eighteen case studies, showing how international courts change state behavior. The case studies, spanning issue areas and regions of the world, collectively elucidate the political factors that often intervene to limit whether or not international courts are invoked and whether international judges dare to demand significant changes in state practices.


Author(s):  
Rafaela M. Dancygier

As Europe's Muslim communities continue to grow, so does their impact on electoral politics and the potential for inclusion dilemmas. In vote-rich enclaves, Muslim views on religion, tradition, and gender roles can deviate sharply from those of the majority electorate, generating severe trade-offs for parties seeking to broaden their coalitions. This book explains when and why European political parties include Muslim candidates and voters, revealing that the ways in which parties recruit this new electorate can have lasting consequences. The book sheds new light on when minority recruitment will match up with existing party positions and uphold electoral alignments and when it will undermine party brands and shake up party systems. It demonstrates that when parties are seduced by the quick delivery of ethno-religious bloc votes, they undercut their ideological coherence, fail to establish programmatic linkages with Muslim voters, and miss their opportunity to build cross-ethnic, class-based coalitions. The book highlights how the politics of minority inclusion can become a testing ground for parties, showing just how far their commitments to equality and diversity will take them when push comes to electoral shove. Providing a unified theoretical framework for understanding the causes and consequences of minority political incorporation, and especially as these pertain to European Muslim populations, the book advances our knowledge about how ethnic and religious diversity reshapes domestic politics in today's democracies.


2018 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-103
Author(s):  
Ágnes Vass

AbstractPolicy towards Hungarians living in neighbouring countries has been a central issue for Hungarian governments, yet Hungarian diaspora living mainly in Western Europe and North America have received very little attention. This has changed after the 2010 landslide victory of Fidesz. The new government introduced a structured policy focused on engaging Hungarian diaspora, largely due to the nationalist rhetoric of the governing party. The article argues that this change reflects a turn of Hungarian nationalism into what Ragazzi and Balalowska (2011) have called post-territorial nationalism, where national belonging becomes disconnected from territory. It is because of this new conception of Hungarian nationalism that we witness the Hungarian government approach Hungarian communities living in other countries in new ways while using new policy tools: the offer of extraterritorial citizenship; political campaigns to motivate the diaspora to take part in Hungarian domestic politics by voting in legislative elections; or the never-before-seen high state budget allocated to support these communities. Our analysis is based on qualitative data gathered in 2016 from focus group discussions conducted in the Hungarian community of Western Canada to understand the effects of this diaspora politics from a bottom-up perspective. Using the theoretical framework of extraterritorial citizenship, external voting rights and diaspora engagement programmes, the paper gives a brief overview of the development of the Hungarian diaspora policy. We focus on how post-territorial nationalism of the Hungarian government after 2010 effects the ties of Hungarian communities in Canada with Hungary, how the members of these communities conceptualise the meaning of their “new” Hungarian citizenship, voting rights and other diaspora programmes. We argue that external citizenship and voting rights play a crucial role in the Orbán government’s attempt to govern Hungarian diaspora communities through diaspora policy.


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