Beyond Mosque, Church, and the state: alternative narratives of the nation in the Balkans

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 303-304
Author(s):  
Miladina Monova
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Alexander Tabachnik ◽  
Benjamin Miller

This chapter explains the process of peaceful change in Central and Eastern Europe following the demise of the Soviet system. It also explains the failure of peaceful change in the Balkans and some post-Soviet countries, such as the Ukrainian conflict in 2014. The chapter accounts for the conditions for peaceful change and for the variation between peaceful and violent change by the state-to-nation theory. The two independent variables suggested by the theory are the level of state capacity and congruence—namely the compatibility between state borders and the national identities of the countries at stake. Moreover, according to the theory, great-power engagement serves as an intervening variable and in some conditions, as explained in the chapter, may help with peaceful change.


Polar Record ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 30 (172) ◽  
pp. 39-42
Author(s):  
Ian R. Stone

AbstractThe period 1877–1878 was one of tension between Britain and Russia caused by the Russo-Turkish War and the consequent threat to the route to India. The Royal Navy was deployed to deter the Russians in seas adjacent to the Balkans, but also undertook intelligence gathering missions further afield. Two of these were to Petropavlovsk in sub-Arctic Kamchatka and were undertaken by Commander A.L. Douglas in HMS Egeria. The British, with their French allies, had sustained a serious defeat there during the Crimean War and wished to ascertain the state of Russian defences should there be fresh hostilities. In the event, Douglas discovered that the Russians had abandoned Petropavlovsk as a fortified post and that there was no garrison. His reports were, therefore, negative, but included interesting information concerning Petropavlovsk in this era.


Author(s):  
Wojciech Sowa

Thracian belongs to the group of languages spoken over the entire period of Antiquity in the areas of south-eastern Europe (mostly the Balkans) and which, like other vernaculars spoken in this and neighbouring areas, had died out by the end of the Roman period leaving but scanty evidence. This chapter provides an introduction into the state of our current knowledge about the Thracian language and epigraphy and the perspectives of research of this language. Since our comprehension and understanding of grammatical system of Thracian is limited, the current knowledge of the language makes any translation of attested inscriptions impossible. It is however expected that the progress in studying development and history of the Greek script may provide us with new and relevant data for interpretation of Thracian.


2019 ◽  
pp. 17-36
Author(s):  
Ana-Teodora Kurkina

State Boundaries in the Minds of Men: Bulgarian Intellectuals Dividing the Balkans in the mid-19th CenturyThe correlation between the political imagination of intellectuals and their social ties is rarely linked to the state-building projects they produce. In most cases, political and social realities in regions do not coincide with the state boundaries sketched by intellectuals. Nevertheless, they do reflect the ideas of a narrow stratum of interconnected individuals that are easy to target and follow.The current text introduces and analyses the individual ties that laid the foundation for state-building creativity in the context of the mid-19th century empires. It suggests that elites occupy a different place in the social hierarchy of the forming nations, creating their preliminary state boundaries mostly based on their own interconnections and personal considerations. While their plans do not necessarily succeed, they usually reflect the nature of the debates and concerns of a relatively small group that conceives them.The case of the Bulgarian public actors in the mid-19th century offers a concentrated picture of a predominantly mobile intellectual elite engaged in the division of the Balkans. That elite included not only revolutionary thinkers like Georgi Rakovski, but also poets and journalists like his younger contemporaries, Hristo Botev and Lyuben Karavelov. Following their writings, one can produce a picture illustrating the correlation between state boundary-making and the imagination of intellectuals. While the Bulgarian example is easy to follow, it is not unique. The hypothesis can be transferred to other cases and other elites engaged in state-building debates, especially those isolated from the reality of their target group due to their position in the social hierarchy, emigrant status or conflicting affiliations. Государственные границы в сознании людей: деление Балканов болгарскими интеллектуалами в середине 19 века Корреляция между политическим воображением интеллектуалов и их социальными связями редко ассоциируется с проектами по конструированию государства, которые они создают. В большинстве случаев, политические и социальные реалии в различных регионах не совпадают с государственными границами, начертанными полити- ческими активистами. Они отражают идеи узкой прослойки контак- тирующих индивидумов, чьи действия легко увидеть и проследить.Данный текст рассматривает и анализирует личные связи политических активистов, которые заложили основы проектов по конструированию государства в контексте империй середины 19 века. Автор утверждает, что интеллектуальные элиты занимали особое место в социальной иерархии формирующихся наций, создавая предварительные государственные границы, базируя их на своих личных связях и идеях. Их планы не венчались успехом во всех случаях, однако, они отражали природу дебатов и интересов маленькой группы, которая их выражала, но никак не всего населения.Случай болгарских политических активистов середины 19 века представляет собой пример преимущественно мобильной элиты, вовлеченной в раздел Балканского полуострова. Эта элита включала в себя не только революционных мыслителей как Георгий Раковский, но также поэтов и публицистов как его младшие современники Христо Ботев и Любен Каравелов. Анализируя оставленные ими письменные документы, можно воспроизвести модель, иллюстрирующую корреляцию между конструированием государственных границ и политическим воображением интеллектуалов. Болгарский пример предлагает достаточное количество материала для проведения исследования, однако, он далеко не уникален. Данная система может буть перенесена на другие случаи, в которых фигурируют элиты, причастные к конструированию государственных границ. Наиболее подробно данная модель иллюстрирует деятельность представителей элиты, которые находятся в изоляции от своей целевой группы из-за своего положения в социальной иерархии, статуса эмигранта или противоречивых идентичностей. Granice państwowe w umysłach ludzkich: dzielenie Bałkanów przez bułgarskich intelektualistów w połowie XIX wiekuKorelacja między polityczną wyobraźnią intelektualistów a ich więziami społecznymi rzadko jest kojarzona z tworzonymi przez nich projektami budowy państwa. W większości przypadków regionalne realia polityczne nie pokrywają się z granicami państwowymi wyznaczonymi przez działaczy politycznych. Odzwierciedlają one idee wąskiej warstwy wzajemnie powiązanych jednostek, których działania można łatwo dostrzec i prześledzić.Niniejszy tekst analizuje osobiste powiązania aktywistów politycznych, którzy stworzyli podstawy dla projektów budowy państw w epoce imperiów połowy XIX wieku. Autorka twierdzi, że elity intelektualne zajmowały szczególne miejsce w społecznej hierarchii formujących się narodów, tworząc wstępne granice państwowe w oparciu o osobiste więzi i idee. Ich plany nie we wszystkich przypadkach były zwieńczone sukcesem, lecz odzwierciedlały specyfikę debat i interesów małej grupy, która je wyrażała, a nie całej ludności.Przypadek bułgarskich aktywistów politycznych połowy XIX wieku stanowi przykład mobilnej elity zaangażowanej w podział Półwyspu Bałkańskiego. W skład tej elity weszli nie tylko rewolucyjni myśliciele jak Georgi Rakovski, ale także poeci i publicyści jak Christo Botev i Luben Karavelov. Analizując pisane przez nich dokumenty, można odtworzyć model ilustrujący korelację pomiędzy konstruowaniem granic, a polityczną wyobraźnią intelektualistów. Bułgarski przykład oferuje wystarczającą ilość materiału do badania, lecz jest daleki od bycia wyjątkowym. Model ten może być przeniesiony do innych przypadków, w których biorą udział elity zaangażowane w konstruowanie granic państwowych, jednocześnie znakomicie ilustruje działalność przedstawicieli elit, którzy są odizolowani od grupy docelowej ze względu na sprzeczną z nią tożsamość, status emigranta lub pozycję w hierarchii społecznej.


2002 ◽  
Vol 54 (3) ◽  
pp. 189-201
Author(s):  
Zivorad Kovacevic

The author analyses the present situation and the prospects of internal and regional stability and security in the countries of the European South East. He says that we have now some peace and some stability and security in the region. The peace is fragile and more the state of no-war than stable peace. The fact remains that the self-sustaining regional stability remains a good distance away. The sources of regional instability are in uneliminated consequences of the recent wars and in the fact that nowhere in the region the complete discontinuity with the policies, ideologies, way of thinking and institutional set-up inherited from previous regimes has been realized. The region needs the coherent approach and active participation of the international community and its military presence in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia for years to come. Let's not delude ourselves: if the troops were withdrawn today who could tell what would happen tomorrow.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 390-397
Author(s):  
M. Zubovic

The article discusses the Euro-Atlantic vector of Croatian foreign policy, primarily the historical path of the state into NATO and the advantages of membership in this alliance. The Republic of Croatia in its history experienced a rather difficult period associated with the Croatian War for Independence, which began in 1991 after the state announced its withdrawal from the SFRY. Since then, one of the main goals of Croatian foreign policy has been joining the Euro-Atlantic structures, which was fulfiled in 2009, when Croatia became a full member of NATO. Based on the experience of the War for Independence, for the Republic of Croatia this membership is an important factor in ensuring the country’s security, and it can also help improve interstate relations in the Balkans and strengthen stability in the region. The work will also outline the operations and missions in which Croatia participates within the NATO framework and contributes to the successful implementation of Euro-Atlantic foreign policy.


Author(s):  
Ali Anooshahr

The Persian historian Idris Bitlisi (d. 1520), composed a massive chronicle of the House of Osman for the Ottoman emperor Bayezid II (d. 1512). Idris was writing his text at the time of the rise of the Safavids in the east and the expansion of the Ottoman Empire in the Balkans. By relying on a chronicle written after the conquest of Constantinople attributed to Ruhi, Idris downplayed the Turkestani origins of the Ottomans and projected onto their “Eastern” origin undesirable traits associated with Turkic ancestry. Instead, Idris recast his masters as the true inheritors of Roman Empire and the true followers of Alexander the Great. To accomplish all this, Idris drew on biblical, Koranic, and other myths to create a myth for the state separate from a dynastic origin myth.


SEER ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-431 ◽  
Author(s):  
Qerim Qerimi ◽  
Bruno Sergi

Author(s):  
Djordje Djekic

Since legal norms have come a long way from revenge to the ruler?s prerogative in the period between the Slavic arrival to the Balkans and the 12th century, this paper is an attempt to offer solutions for the chronology of these events. As the ruler?s prerogative occurs for the first time at the end of the 12th century, it is clear that this process had to have been completed by then. In the pre-state period Serbs had revenge and pacification of blood (godfatherhood), which were retained even after the state was established. In the state period the phenomenon of blood brothers occured as another form of pacification of blood. The existence of the system of composition payments can be proven indirectly. At the end of the 12th century the Old Serbian Law was created, which proscribed that the ruler tried for murder and theft of church property. This is the evidence that revenge disappeared in the meantime. Revenge and the system of composition payments remained legally valid ways of settling disputes in Bosnia until the end of the 15th century. As Bosnia was part of Serbia until the end of the 10th century, this implies that until that time revenge was a legally valid way of settling disputes in Serbia. This would mean that the abolishment of revenge and the transfer of this dispute to the competence of the ruler, when a blood debt was settled, which had been a remnant of the system of composition payments, occurred in the period between the end of the 10th century and the end of the 12th century, when it became part of the written law. As for the theft of church property, it must be said that the decisions of the Split (Spalatum) Assembly of 925 AD lead to the conclusion that the state accepted to regulate the theft of church property, which indicates that the mention of the theft of church property could have been the record of the ruler?s prerogative. Finally, it was noticed that at least one more felony - treason - had to be the regulated by the ruler?s prerogative. It was a felony that could be committed only against the ruler and the throne, for which the ruler himself tried the guilty party. Examples have proven that this is the oldest ruler?s prerogative and a presupposition was made that other forms of court orders were introduced after this model.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Ségolène Débarre

Abstract. Although they are discussed less frequently than his maps of the Balkans, Heinrich Kiepert's maps of Anatolia, and those of the Aegean coast in particular, nevertheless occupy a prominent place in his work. First published between the 1840s and the 1890s, Kiepert's maps reflect the way in which the German “classical Orient” depicted by Said (Said, 1978) became increasingly "real" over the years and emerged as a target for strategic and imperialist penetration. While their archaeological orientation tended to eclipse their ties to the German and Ottoman military, this analysis reveals how civil and military investigations were intertwined from the outset, and linked to a desire for national prestige. Based on the archives of the State Library in Berlin, the Secret State Archives of the Prussian Cultural Heritage Foundation and the Ottoman State Archives, this article aims to highlight the ambivalence and different facets of Heinrich Kiepert's cartographic project in Anatolia. The context of his work will be analyzed in order to understand the conditions under which his cartography was produced and the transimperial exchanges that shaped it.


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