Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848–1854

1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Claeys

The relative quiescence of British working-class radicalism during much of the two decades after 1848, so central to the foundations of mid-Victorian stability, has been the subject of many explanations. Though Chartism did not expire finally until the late 1850s, its mainstream strategy of constitutionalist organization, huge meetings, enormous parliamentary petitions, and the tacit threat of violent intimidation seemed exploded after the debacle of Kennington Common and the failed march on Parliament in April 1848. But other factors also contributed to undermine the zeal for reform. Alleviating the pressures of distress, emigration carried off many activists to America and elsewhere. Relative economic prosperity rendered the economic ends of reform less pressing, and proposals like the Chartist Land Plan less appealing. The popularity of various self-help doctrines, including consumer cooperation, also militated against collectivist political action. “Labour aristocrats” and trade union leaders, moreover, preferred local and sectional economic improvement to the risks and expense of political campaigning.Accounts of mid-Victorian political stability have had little to say, however, about the impact of European radicalism on the British working-class movement after 1848. That the failure of the continental revolutions brought thousands of refugees to Britain is well known. But although useful studies exist of the internationalist dimensions of Chartism prior to 1849—and of some of the refugee groups generally in this period—the effects of the exiled continental radicals on British working-class politics in the early 1850s have remained largely unconsidered.

2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (Number 1) ◽  
pp. 21-31
Author(s):  
Fadhilah Mohd. Zahari ◽  
T. Ramayah

Green innovation is becoming an essential business strategy in the 21stcentury as it brings sustainable environment and economic prosperity hand in hand. Consequently, the impact of green innovation on firm performance has drawn enormous attention among the scholars for the past few decades, aiming at empirically justify the positive implications of being green in business. However, the analysis from the ecological modernization perspective remains limited, although the focus on preventive approach to achieve environmentaland economic improvement is the central argument of this theoretical lens. This study tackles the above issue by examining the performance outcomes of green innovation adoption in view of ecological modernization perspective. A quantitative, survey based study collected data from 130 Malaysian manufacturing firms, which was subsequently analyzed using SmartPLS 2.0. The findings generally corroborate the positive implications of green innovation on firm performance in the aspects of environment, economic and competitive advantage. Likewise, EM perspective fits in offering plausible insights of the findings, hence entails the alternative ground to be employed in other studies of the like.


Africa ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
P. S. Garlake

Opening ParagraphZimbabwe has adopted the name of the Shona state, centred on the city of Great Zimbabwe, which flourished between five and eight hundred years ago, and whose ruined stone walls are one of the most remarkable monuments in Africa. Great Zimbabwe was a considerable human achievement, evidence of the acquisition and management of a huge and docile labour force, of prolonged political stability and economic prosperity.When the British South Africa Company occupied the country in 1890 the monument became the subject of considerable settler polemic and controversy. While its origins were still uncertain Cecil Rhodes recognized the considerable propaganda value that evidence of ancient foreign settlement, preferably white and successful and with Biblical origins, would have. It would give a precedent and respectability to the conquest and a promise of similar prosperity to the settlers and investors in the new colony. Rhodes acquired many antiquities from Great Zimbabwe, and initiated excavations at the site and searches of the archives of Rome and Lisbon for documents referring to it. He himself sought parallels to its art in the museums of Cairo. He also commissioned eminent mining engineers to determine the origins and yield of the ‘ancient gold workings’ in the country. Finally, he had Richard Hall, an enthusiastic propagandist of the settler cause in newspapers, lectures and exhibitions, and a fanatical advocate of immensely old Biblical origins for Great Zimbabwe, appointed curator of the Ruins expressly to instruct important visitors in his theories.


2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 171-192

This article attempts to rethink the Marxist category of class in response to criticism of the progressivist conception of history. The Marxism of the twentieth and twentyfirst centuries has typically run into a problem arising from the fact that accepting the proletariat as the subject of history makes any political action aimed at social transformation superfluous. From a political viewpoint, the concept of the subject of history either implies that the working class will spontaneously carry out its historical task without any intervention, or requires the dictate of the party to act as a revolutionary vanguard for the working class. Many theorists (Walter Benjamin, Louis Althusser, Daniel Bensaïd, Massimiliano Tomba, et al.) have pointed out that emancipatory politics should abandon the idea that history is linear and that it has a particular subject. Does this then mean that the concept of class itself should be discarded? Althusser’s concept of the social whole as a weave of multiple temporalities allows us to take a new look at the problem of class in Marxist theory and political practice by understanding class as neither essence nor structure, but rather as a conflictual social relation and a political concept. Based on the works of Edward Thompson, Ellen Meiksins Wood, Étienne Balibar, Daniel Bensaïd, Cinzia Aruzza, etc., the author demonstrates that the multi-temporal structure of capital means that class contradiction cannot be confined to the matters of production because class struggle unfolds at all levels of surplus value creation — production, exchange, reproduction and circulation of capital taken as a whole. Moreover, other social movements — feminist, anti-racist, migrant, etc. — lead to a redefinition of key aspects of class subjectivity related to the concepts of productive labor and exploitation. With left-wing politics now in crisis, class struggle also entails a struggle for recognition that the problem of class is a political one.


2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 178-188
Author(s):  
Ian Birchall

AbstractRomain Ducoulombier, author ofCamarades!, a study of the origins of the French Communist Party, belongs to a different ideological context to earlier authors on the subject, such as Kriegel, Wohl or Robrieux. But though Ducoulombier claims originality for his work, there is little genuinely new here. He fails to grasp the impact of the Russian Revolution on the French working class and has little understanding of the dynamics of the Communist International. He stresses the ‘asceticism’ and ‘messianism’ of the early Communist Party without giving a precise meaning to these terms. Worst of all, Ducoulombier concentrates on archival material while saying remarkably little about the French Communist Party’s actual activities, notably work in the trade unions, anti-militarism and anti-colonialism.


2003 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 133-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Genova ◽  
Toyin Falola

Several studies have demonstrated the impact of oil in Nigeria, with recent literature showing that modern Nigeria can hardly be understood without oil. There is now an abundance of literature to present an overview of the subject. In this first piece, the modest intention is to indicate the range of literature as well as identify the broad themes. An attempt is also made to locate the themes in their historical context in order to indicate some of the major changes in the literature. Subsequent essays will identify the paradigmatic shifts in the literature, as well as the major gaps that exist. In addition, we hope to argue in another essay that large bodies of work exist to sustain reliable comparative studies.The introduction to this essay sets out the themes to be discussed, and each receives separate attention. These themes include the impact of the oil industry on Nigeria's workers, environment, and communities within the oil rich Niger Delta. They also include the impact of oil revenue on Nigeria's foreign policy, national development, and political stability. An examination of the literature from the 1950s to the present reveals several clear patterns of change. The literature begins with an optimistic view of the oil industry, shifts toward in-depth discussions during the 1970s and 1980s on the impact of the oil shock, and currently resides on issues of environmental destruction and human rights violations incurred from the oil industry. The synthesis presented here privileges research-based essays and books.


Social Change ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-116
Author(s):  
Arun Bandopadhyay

The present article seeks to critically probe Gandhi’s civilisational view of Indian society and politics both from his few articulate and many hidden statements at different stages of his life. His civilisational view is, therefore, analysed from a variety of perspectives: its origin, direction, advocated methods and long-time impact on Gandhian thought, philosophy and activities. It is presumed that such an analysis of Gandhi’s political philosophy with special reference to his civilisational view may clarify some of the mysteries associated with his much cited and often criticised ‘strategies’ of political activity. The article has three parts. The first dwells on the background of Gandhi’s civilisational critique and touches on some of its contents from the political standpoints. The second probes into the many meanings of civilisational politics both from Gandhi’s articulate and hidden statements on the subject. The third reviews the impact of Gandhi’s civilisational politics on the course and strategy of his political action, and its legacy for the future. The underlying idea is that satyagraha in the Gandhian philosophical context is most intelligible when viewed from the short- and long-term perspectives of civilisational politics.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-145
Author(s):  
Lawrence Eppard ◽  
Arlie Hochschild ◽  
Richard Wilkinson

There have been troubling trends in economic inequality, deprivation, and insecurity in the U.S. since the 1970s. This inequality and insecurity has left the American social fabric ‘fraying at the edges,’ in the words of Joseph Stiglitz. Scholars have recently begun focusing their attention on phenomena which are reflective of and associated with this fraying social fabric: the increasing economic insecurity and emerging ‘politics of resentment’ of the White working class in the U.S. This piece contains excerpts from interviews that Lawrence Eppard conducted with two important scholars, Arlie Hochschild and Richard Wilkinson, who have explored these issues in their work in different ways. The interviews touch on a variety of topics, including growing inequality and its social consequences, the role of government in addressing inequality, White working-class resentment, the impact of racism and sexism on White working-class attitudes and politics, the 2016 U.S. presidential election, political polarization, and dominant American notions of freedom. Much of the discussion focuses on Hochschild’s work in Strangers in Their Own Land and Wilkinson’s work with Kate Pickett in The Spirit Level.


2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-128
Author(s):  
Katherine E. Calvert

This article analyses the portrayal of the impact of capitalism on the working-class family and the promotion of the communist movement as a form of surrogate family in Maria Leitner’s Mädchen mit drei Namen (1932) and Hermynia Zur Mühlen’s Lina: Erzählung aus dem Leben eines Dienstmädchens (1924). Reading these two Weimar-era texts as works of Gebrauchsliteratur, which seek to promote communism to a young female readership, I argue that, despite urging greater female participation in the male-dominated sphere of left-wing political action, Leitner and Zur Mühlen rely on normative ideas about gender to advocate political engagement to a demographic assumed to be politically naïve or disinterested. With reference to Weimar-era cultural discourses and strategies of the communist movement, I contest that both novellas are contradictory in their claim to represent a radically progressive political position while simultaneously failing to challenge fundamentally conservative gender norms.


Author(s):  
Syeda Anam Hassan

To generate and maintain sustainable economic growth, e-government and control of corruption are considered as a key contributor in the nation. E-government not only increases control of corruption and economic growth but also reduces environmental degradation. In this study, the relationship of e-government to control of corruption, economic prosperity and environmental degradation has been investigated. Government has a positive and significant association with economic prosperity and control of corruption. However, e-government negatively related to S curve. The impact of control variables such that manufacturing, working for population and political stability all are positive to economic prosperity while exports and urban population show a negative association with the economic prosperity. In the case of environmental degradation, manufacturing and working population shows negative relationship while exports, political stability, and urban population shows a positive association with the environmental degradation. The study suggests that constructive national policies by practitioners and policy makers are required for the development of e-government.


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