Camarades! La naissance du parti communiste en France, Romain Ducoulombier, Paris: Perrin, 2010

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 178-188
Author(s):  
Ian Birchall
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Archival Material ◽  
Precise Meaning ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact ◽  
French Communist Party ◽  
Ideological Context

AbstractRomain Ducoulombier, author ofCamarades!, a study of the origins of the French Communist Party, belongs to a different ideological context to earlier authors on the subject, such as Kriegel, Wohl or Robrieux. But though Ducoulombier claims originality for his work, there is little genuinely new here. He fails to grasp the impact of the Russian Revolution on the French working class and has little understanding of the dynamics of the Communist International. He stresses the ‘asceticism’ and ‘messianism’ of the early Communist Party without giving a precise meaning to these terms. Worst of all, Ducoulombier concentrates on archival material while saying remarkably little about the French Communist Party’s actual activities, notably work in the trade unions, anti-militarism and anti-colonialism.

From Moscow to Vichy: Three Working-Class Militants and the French Communist Party, 1920–1940

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-38 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sean McMeekin
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Political ◽  
French Politics ◽  
Vichy Regime ◽  
French Communist Party

‘From Moscow to Vichy’ chronicles the political trajectory of Jules Teulade, Albert Vassart and Henri Barbé, three French labour militants of modest origins who were rapidly whisked into the top ranks of the French Communist Party (PCF) in the early 1920s, but later fell out of favour with Moscow just as the PCF entered its halycon years in the mid-to-late 1930s. Each of them, though for different reasons, turned against their former Russian patrons so violently that political participation in the ‘anti-Communist’ Vichy regime became thinkable. An examination of their unpublished memoirs – long ignored by Gaullist and communist historians, to whom the recollections of ex-Communist Vichy ‘collaborators’ gave little comfort – reveals both the powerful allure the Russian Revolution had for its earliest devotees, and the profound disillusionment that could result for working-class Communists who saw their faith in Moscow betrayed. In their stories, and those of others like them, we can discern something of the devastating fallout of Moscow's invasion of French politics between the two world wars.

A Latin Epitaph of the Early Nineteenth Century

1936 ◽  
Vol 5 (14) ◽  
pp. 121-122
Author(s):  
D. A. Macnaughton
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Rural Area ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Parish Church ◽  
Precise Meaning ◽  
High Esteem ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact

This epitaph is on a tombstone in the churchyard of Kenmore, Perthshire, a little village on the shores of Loch Tay, close to the point at which the river leaves the parent lake. In the early nineteenth century Kenmore had some importance as the market of a wide rural area and as containing the parish church and parish school. The epitaph is the work of the son, William Armstrong, who succeeded to his father's post and died in 1879. Purists might perhaps take exception to the post-classical authority of puritate, but it will be generally allowed that as the composition of the Headmaster of a rural parish school its Latinity is as remarkable as its pietas. It is to be regretted that the author left no pupil to pay him a fitting tribute in the same tongue. But among his alumni there were many who remembered his teaching with admiring gratitude. Of these was one of the principal farmers of the district who told me years ago that he held Latin in high esteem as the subject which, as he put it, ‘opened his head’. His precise meaning eluded me until in later years I reflected that Highland farmers have a gift of imagination and a command of terse and figurative expression. Clearly what he implied was that, just as, when Hephaestus split the skull of Zeus, Athene sprung out in full panoply, so the impact of the lene tormentum of Latin on his own brain let wisdom loose.

Trade Unions, Economic Growth and Politics

1989 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 372-384
Author(s):  
Ignace Ng ◽  
John McCallum
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Empirical Studies ◽  
Union Density ◽  
Primary Objective ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Growth Promoting ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

Even though identifying the causes of economic growth has been the subject of numerous empirical studies, little is known about the impact of inter-country variations in unionization on differences in economic growth between countries. To fill this apparent gap in the literature, the primary objective of this paper is to examine the influence of trade unions on economic growth in seventeen oECD countries from 1960 to 1979. The results show that the nature of the relationship between trade unions and economic growth depends upon the ideology of the government in power. Under 'non-socialist' governments, increased union density reduces economic growth, whereas under `socialist' governments, a higher level of unionization increases economic growth. This, in turn, implies that governments can have an influence on whether trade unions are growth-inhibiting or growth-promoting. However, because of the limitations in the sample used, additional studies are needed before a consensus can be reached on this issue.

Social Democracy in France

1955 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 532-545
Author(s):  
Charles A. Micaud
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Social Democracy ◽  
Simple Explanation ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
French Society ◽  
The Many ◽  
French Communist Party

Ten years after the Liberation, the French Communist Party remains the strongest party in France. It can muster a quarter of the nation's votes and claim more “militants” than all other French parties put together. A majority of industrial workers continue to vote for the “party of the working class” even if they are reluctant to strike on its behalf. This persistent strength is both disturbing and puzzling. It is obviously a major source of weakness not only for French democracy, but for the effectiveness of the Western coalition. There is no simple explanation of the continued hold of Communism, since it is both the cause and the consequence of the many-faceted crisis of French society.

scholarly journals Australian Labour and the Profintern

1979 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Farrell
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
The Other ◽  
International Level ◽  
Trade Union Movement ◽  
Union Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Related Trade

In common with many other countries, Australia has had, since 1920, a Communist Party, which is an obvious and continuing symbol of international reaction to the Russian Revolution of 1917. Naturally enough the formation of this Communist Party and its subsequent history has attracted a degree of attention from historians and scholars of Communist movements and Australian politics. The impact of the Profintern, on the other hand, has been completely neglected. Even at the international level no full-scale study of the Profintern and its related trade-union organisations is yet available, and though one scholar has noticed that in Australia “the history of communism in the unions is […] separate from CPA political history”, the bases of this separation have been left relatively unexplored. This article seeks to examine Moscow's links with the Australian trade-union movement via the Profintern in the period 1920–35. It would seem that these links overshadowed the CPA as a “Communist” influence in the Australian context, at least for the first decade of the Comintern's existence. The separation of CPA history from the wider influence of Communism in the unions is discernible almost from the very start.

Mazzini, Kossuth, and British Radicalism, 1848–1854

1989 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 225-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Claeys
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Economic Prosperity ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
Self Help ◽  
Union Leaders ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Economic Improvement

The relative quiescence of British working-class radicalism during much of the two decades after 1848, so central to the foundations of mid-Victorian stability, has been the subject of many explanations. Though Chartism did not expire finally until the late 1850s, its mainstream strategy of constitutionalist organization, huge meetings, enormous parliamentary petitions, and the tacit threat of violent intimidation seemed exploded after the debacle of Kennington Common and the failed march on Parliament in April 1848. But other factors also contributed to undermine the zeal for reform. Alleviating the pressures of distress, emigration carried off many activists to America and elsewhere. Relative economic prosperity rendered the economic ends of reform less pressing, and proposals like the Chartist Land Plan less appealing. The popularity of various self-help doctrines, including consumer cooperation, also militated against collectivist political action. “Labour aristocrats” and trade union leaders, moreover, preferred local and sectional economic improvement to the risks and expense of political campaigning.Accounts of mid-Victorian political stability have had little to say, however, about the impact of European radicalism on the British working-class movement after 1848. That the failure of the continental revolutions brought thousands of refugees to Britain is well known. But although useful studies exist of the internationalist dimensions of Chartism prior to 1849—and of some of the refugee groups generally in this period—the effects of the exiled continental radicals on British working-class politics in the early 1850s have remained largely unconsidered.

scholarly journals A REFORMA TRABALHISTA E OS REFLEXOS DO FIM DA CONTRIBUIÇÃO SINDICAL COMPULSÓRIA NOS SINDICATOS

Percurso ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (29) ◽  
pp. 134
Author(s):  
Debora Cristina de Castro da ROCHA ◽  
Edilson Santos da ROCHA
Keyword(s):  
Trade Unions ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The Other ◽  
Freedom Of Association ◽  
Labor Reform ◽  
Trade Unionism ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Creation ◽  
The Impact

RESUMO Pretende-se com esta pesquisa, uma discussão acerca do impacto da Lei 13.467/2017 ao sindicalismo, no que tange a proibição do desconto ou cobrança sem a prévia e expressa anuência do trabalhador e a voluntariedade da sua ocorrência. Assim, a partir de uma contextualização histórica, busca-se na essência da criação da contribuição sindical, uma maior compreensão dos efeitos da reforma acerca do tema, tendo em vista esta ter tornado facultativa a contribuição, e se especificamente, aos trabalhadores, tal facultatividade poderá contribuir para a liberdade sindical no Brasil, e por outro lado, se esteja diante de um problema de financiamento dos sindicatos profissionais, e por consequência, da própria defesa dos respectivos trabalhadores. Buscar-se-á ainda, discorrer acerca da não recepção da Convenção n. 87 de 1948 pela Constituição de 1988, que dispõe acerca da liberdade sindical. E se a alteração promovida pela Reforma Trabalhista poderá proporcionar maior aproximação dos sindicatos com os trabalhadores, influenciando a anuência com o desconto da contribuição sindical. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Lei 13.467/2017; Sindicalismo; Contribuição Sindical; Reforma Trabalhista; Liberdade Sindical. ABSTRACT This discussion seeks to discuss the impact of Law 13467/2017 on trade unionism, regarding the prohibition of deduction or collection without the prior and express consent of the worker and the voluntariness of its occurrence. Thus, from a historical context, the essence of the creation of the union contribution is sought, a greater understanding of the effects of the reform on the subject, in order to make the contribution optional, and if specifically to the workers, this faculty can contribute to freedom of association in Brazil, and, on the other hand, there is a problem of financing trade unions and, consequently, the defense of the workers themselves. It will also be sought to find out whether the union uniqueness imposed by the 1988 Constitution could harm Convention No. 87 of 1948 which deals with freedom of association. And if the amendment promoted by the Labor Reform can bring the unions closer to the workers, influencing the agreement with the discount of the union contribution.KEYWORDS: Law 13467/2017; Trade Unionism; Union Contribution; Labor Reform; Freedom Of Association. 

“Part of What We Thought and Felt”: Antifascism, Antisemitism and Jewish Connections with the New Theatre

2021 ◽  
Vol 120 (1) ◽  
pp. 95-116
Author(s):  
Max Kaiser ◽  
Lisa Milner
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Jewish Culture ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Jewish Writers

For much of the twentieth century, the six branches of the New Theatre in Australia presented left-wing theatre within a culture that was largely resistant to their ideas. Their orientation was explicitly pro-working class, their support base including the Communist Party and left-wing trade unions. Like radical theatres in other nations, including the Unity Theatre in Britain, the New Theatre had strong connections to Jewish culture and theatre enterprises, and featured Jewish writers, actors, values and themes. Left-wing, anti-fascist scripts written by Jews in Australia as well as Britain and the USA were often staged. This article discusses the New Theatre’s concerns with antisemitism and Jewish politics focussing on selected plays by Laurence Collinson, David Martin and Oriel Gray. These plays provide us with an ideal prism through which to analyse Jewish left-wing and anti-fascist ideas as they were refracted through a transnational left-wing theatre movement.

scholarly journals From the Russian Revolution to the Cuban Revolution

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (24) ◽  
pp. 213-242
Author(s):  
Steve Cushion
Keyword(s):  
Working Class ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Direct Connection ◽  
The Caribbean

The Cuban Communist Party was the most significant working-class response to the Russian Revolution in the Caribbean. Recent research shows that organised workers played a decisive role in the outcome of the Cuban Revolution, but if the working class role has been hidden from history, the revolutionary activity of Afro-Cuban workers has been doubly obscured. There is a direct connection that links the Russian Revolution to the Cuban Revolution.

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