War and Seduction in Cybele’s Garden: Contextualizing theBallet des Polonais*

2012 ◽  
Vol 65 (3) ◽  
pp. 809-863 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ewa Kociszewska
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Visual Context ◽  
Primary Role ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military

AbstractThis article examines theBallet des Polonais(1573), a magnificent festival given by Catherine de Médicis on the occasion of the election of her son, Henri de Valois, the future Henri III of France, to the throne of Poland. It argues that the invention of spectacle, as described in the official Latin account by the poet and humanist Jean Dorat, is much more relevant to the political situation of the time than scholars have previously recognized. Placed in an immediate historical, literary, and visual context, the text of theBalletmakes allusions to contemporary topics, including the military glory of Henri de Valois and the imperial destiny of the French monarchy. The elaborate web of references to books 5 and 9 of theAeneidand to Catullus 64 displays the primary role of Catherine de Médicis, who is lauded for overcoming her maternal sorrow at Henri’s departure for the sake of promoting the Valois Empire.

scholarly journals The 7-th degree of kinship in marriages within Rurikids in the XII century

2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 98-101
Author(s):  
Sergey Navilievich Abukov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Old Russian ◽  
Political Relations ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Relationship

The question of the political situation in Rus in the XII century can not be considered in isolation from the relationship between the Rurikids. The marriages within dynasty of Old Russian princes, which played a very important role in the political relations of that period, were a part of political relations. However, there were religious prohibitions, which limited the possibility of such matrimonial alliances. Historians discuss about permissible in such cases, the degree of kinship in marriages. This article focuses on the role of the 7th-degree relatives in the dynastic marriages of Rurikids in the XII century. The author studied famous examples of conjugal unions between different lines of descendants of Yaroslav the Wise, and came to the deduction that such a degree of relationship was initially recognized as valid for the conclusion of such unions of ancient princes. At the beginning of the century, this tradition was connected with family of Vladimir Monomakh. Later it continued among the descendants as Monomakh and Oleg of Chernigov. During the second half of XII century within dynasty there were marriages of the 6th degree of kinship, but this practice was rather an exception. 7th degree of kinship remained closest to Rurikids in the future.

Sri Lanka’s Military: From Ceremonial to Professional

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayesha Siddiqa
Keyword(s):  
Minority Groups ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Primary Role ◽  
Ruling Elite ◽  
Majority Population ◽  
The Military

Civil–military relations (CMR) in Sri Lanka are an outgrowth of its military’s primary role of defending the state against domestic insurgencies. Historically devoid of any external threat, the main role of the Sri Lankan Army, which was the only active service at the time of independence of the island state in 1948, was ceremonial. Later, when the Air Force and Navy were also established, the role of the armed forces remained limited to policing. This function grew as a result of multiple insurgencies in the south, and later, north and northeast of the country. The CMR balance is defined by Sri Lanka’s politics. Successive governments have used the armed forces as a policy tool in enforcing a political philosophy that upholds Sri Lanka’s status as a Sinhala-Buddhist state. Over the years, the state was gradually transformed from its secular and semi-European character to predominantly, Sinhala-Buddhist. This resulted in the first coup attempt in 1962 by officers that were fearful of “Sinhalization” of the state, which went against the traditions the military had inherited. While the attempt failed, the political leadership speeded up the process of changing the ethnic balance in the armed forces through increasing Sinhala intake. Other policy changes like introducing Sinhalese as the only state language went against the inherited secular structure of the state. This caused a spike in internal tension that presented itself initially as a class conflict, and later morphed into ethnic contestation between the Sinhala and Tamil populations. The internal ethnic war that was fought from the 1970s onwards solidified both the Sinhala ethnic character of the state and the military. These domestic conflicts have also defined the professionalism of the armed forces. While ensuring that the military remains under control, the civilian leadership invested both in making the armed forces professional and ethnically tilted toward the majority. This contradiction represents Sri Lanka’s politics and CMR balance. Since the 1980s with a rise in Tamil insurgency, successive governments in Colombo appreciated the need to professionalize the military to fight internal wars. More money was spent on honing the defense services’ capabilities. However, this capacity building ensured that the military and its military capacity would serve the political interest of the Sinhala elite and majority population, with little concern for the political rights of the Tamil. In this respect, Colombo’s politics is unrepresentative and its CMR balance makes for a model that can only be explained as positively favoring civilians if viewed only from the theoretician Samuel P. Huntington’s viewpoint as laid out in his book ‘The Soldier and the State’. This makes Sri Lanka’s case similar to those of other regional democracies like India where the majority ethnic group or the ruling elite partner uses the armed forces to enforce its legal and constitutional framework, which does not necessarily favor minority groups, or certain regions. Such a framework means that the CMR balance must be described as representing not a strong and stable democracy, but a weak democratic structure.

scholarly journals THE CONFRONTATION BETWEEN THE TURKS AND THE SUI DYNASTY IN 609 – 617

2017 ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
R. T. Ganiev
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Tang Dynasty ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Career ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Upheaval ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military

The  article  studies  the  events  of  the  military  confrontation  between the Shibi Qaghan and Sui Dynasty in 609 – 615 AD. It shows the political situation in China whose deterioration led to the political upheaval in 617 AD and the young Tang Dynasty came to power. By the end of the Sui Dynasty period there were more than 200 organized armed gangs that were tearing the empire apart and often found support from the Turks. In 615 AD the Turks also surrounded Emperor Sui Yangdi in the fortress of Yanmen and thereby put an end to his political career. At the beginning of VII century the Eastern Turk Empire had a great military and political influence in Central Asia and posed a threat to its neighbors. Along with the separatists who  opposed  the  Sui  Dynasty,  the  military  governor  Taiyuan  Li  Yuan  sought the assistance of the Turks. He formed an alliance with them, and the Turks supported his nomination as the new ruler of China. Thus, in the events of 609 – 617 AD the Eastern Turks played a key role, and contributed to the deterioration of the situation at the end of the Sui Dynasty as well as to the ascent to power of the future first emperor of the new Tang Dynasty, Li Yuan. 

The Political Role of the Indonesian Military: Past, Present and Future

1987 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 16-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Salim Said
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Political Involvement ◽  
Future Change ◽  
Dominant Position ◽  
Political Role ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Revolution

AbstractThis paper attempts to briefly examine the political role of the Indonesian military from its inception to its dominant position in Indonesian politics today. It also attempts to discuss whether or not it would continue to play the same role in the future. The paper will be divided into three sections: the political role of the military during the revolution, the increased political involvement of the military, conflicting interpretations of the military role and the possibility of future change.

A.I. Solzhenitsyn Apropos of Russia’s Future: Specific Outlook Features Depending on Different Historical Context

2019 ◽  
Vol 66 ◽  
pp. 327-334
Author(s):  
Inga V. Zheltikova ◽  
Elena I. Khokhlova
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Context ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Stability ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Future ◽  
Pessimistic Attitude ◽  
Personal Qualities ◽  
Images Of The Future ◽  
The Church

The article considers the dependence of the images of future on the socio-cultural context of their formation. Comparison of the images of the future found in A.I. Solzhenitsyn’s works of various years reveals his generally pessimistic attitude to the future in the situation of social stability and moderate optimism in times of society destabilization. At the same time, the author's images of the future both in the seventies and the nineties of the last century demonstrate the mismatch of social expectations and reality that was generally typical for the images of the future. According to the authors of the present article, Solzhenitsyn’s ideas that the revival of spirituality could serve as the basis for the development of economy, that the influence of the Church on the process of socio-economic development would grow, and that the political situation strongly depends on the personal qualities of the leader, are unjustified. Nevertheless, such ideas are still present in many images of the future of Russia, including contemporary ones.

State-run celebration of Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia (based on audiovisual sources)

2019 ◽  
pp. 251-268
Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Communist Regime ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
History Of ◽  
Post War ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Military

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.

Август и Агриппа: развитие системы соправления с 29 по 18 г. до н. э.

2017 ◽  
pp. 126-169
Author(s):  
S.E. Tariverdieva
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Inheritance System ◽  
The Future ◽  
One Step ◽  
Formal Equality ◽  
Different Parts

The article deals with the development of the coregency system of Augustus and Agrippa from 29 to 18 BC: from formal and actual disparity of the coregents to their formal equality with the dominance of the princeps auctoritas. Particular attention is paid to the earlier stages of this development and to the crisis of 23 BC. The coregency system created by Augustus is often regarded by modern historians as means of ensuring uninterrupted succession of power. Agrippa as his coregent often is thought to have assumed the role of the regent who temporally replaces the princeps, just as it was in formal monarchies, or that of the tutor of the future rulers. However, the Roman system of state administration did not allow such type of regency. The princeps coregent, who was his equal in formal credentials but his inferior in terms of auctoritas, in case of the princeps death had to become the next princeps as his immediate successor. It is unlikely that later he was expected to voluntarily give up his power in favour of younger heir and to vanish from the political life altogether. The inheritance system under Augustus was like a ladder with the princeps at the top, the coregent who was also the immediate successor one step below, heirs of the next degree further down. In case of death of one of them, successors shifted one step up. The coregency had one more function: geographically it allowed Augustus and Agrippa to rule jointly the empire while staying in different parts of it.В статье исследуется развитие системы соправления Августа и Агриппы с 29 по 12 гг. до н. э.: от формального и фактического неравенства соправителей до их формального равенства при преобладании auctoritas принцепса, причём особое внимание уделяется раннему этапу этого развития и кризису 23 г. до н. э. Институт соправления, созданный Августом, часто рассматривается, как средство обеспечения бесперебойного перехода власти, причем Агриппе, как соправителю, НЕРЕДКО отводится роль регента, временно замещающего принцепса или воспитателя будущих правителей. Однако римская система государственного управления не предполагала регентства. Соправитель принцепса, равный ему по формальным полномочиям, но уступавший по auctoritas, в случае его смерти должен был СТАТЬ следующим принцепсом, ближайшим его наследником. Вряд ли предполагалось, что в будущем он должен добровольно уступить власть более молодому наследнику и исчезнуть из политической жизни. Система наследования при Августе представляла собой нечто вроде лестницы, на вершине которой стоял принцепс, на следующей ступени соправитель, он же избранный преемник, ниже наследники следующей очереди в случае смерти когото из них происходило продвижение наследников по ступеням вверх. Кроме того, соправление имело и иное значение позволяло Августу и Агриппе совместно управлять империей, находясь в разных ее частях.

The Role of the M.P. in Tanzania

1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Authority Relationships ◽  
New States ◽  
And Shifts ◽  
The Military ◽  
National Legislatures

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.

A Kingdom Cleared of Castles: the Role of the Castle in the Campaigns of Robert Bruce

2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-257 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID CORNELL
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Capital ◽  
The North ◽  
Edward Ii ◽  
War Effort ◽  
The Military ◽  
Political Value

In 1314 the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling were seized and destroyed by Robert Bruce. This was the pinnacle of a policy by which Bruce systematically slighted the castles he seized in Scotland. The reign of Edward II has been seen as a period in which the military value of the castle was in decline and by analysing the role the castle played in the campaigns of Bruce it is possible to assess the importance a successful contemporary commander attached to the castle during this period. Bruce had first-hand experience of the castle at war and knew of its limitations. In 1306, however, he seized and garrisoned a number of castles preparing to use them for a specific purpose, but defeat in the field rendered them redundant. On his return in 1307 Bruce initiated a policy of destruction. Castles in the north of Scotland were slighted as they were the regional focus of the political power of his Scottish enemies, and militarily they were of little value to Bruce. In the Lowlands the first-rate castles of Scotland were destroyed precisely because they were so militarily powerful. Bruce recognised that these castles, used aggressively, were indispensable to the English war effort, and consequently he undertook a prolonged and expensive campaign to reduce them, a campaign which involved the tactic of both surprise assault and, more importantly, the set-piece siege. In 1314 the imminent English campaign led Bruce to launch an unprecedented offensive against the English-held castles of Roxburgh, Edinburgh and Stirling. These castles were subsequently slighted despite their inextricable association with the Scottish Crown. Bruce recognised that, unlike the English, he did not need to occupy castles in Scotland to fight the war. Although in Ireland a small number of castles were occupied, and Berwick was also garrisoned by Scottish troops, in northern England Bruce did not attempt to occupy English castles. Those which were seized were destroyed, an indication that Bruce never intended a conquest of Northumberland. Indeed Bruce never undertook a serious campaign aimed at the seizure of the first-rate castles of Northumberland despite their frequently perilous state. Instead he sought to gain political capital by threatening their loss and so placing enormous pressure on the English Crown. That the castle featured prominently in the campaigns of Bruce demonstrates it was not in decline. Bruce understood the continued military and political value of the castle, but he was able to exploit its inherent vulnerabilities in order to gain victory in war.

scholarly journals Merarches in the thematic organization (9th-12th centuries)

2013 ◽  
pp. 215-234
Author(s):  
Milos Cvetkovic
Keyword(s):  
Historical Documents ◽  
Military Organization ◽  
Scholarly Literature ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Byzantine Period ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
The Military ◽  
Source Materials

The text cites the results of the study of the role of merarches, which were a part of the military organization of the Empire in the early Byzantine period. Later historical documents do not give any notion of this position for more than two centuries. The merarches became a part of the thematic organization in the middle of 9th century. Our ability to fully understand the nature of their function is limited due to the scarcity of source materials; this, however, may be overcome by taking into account, the general and political situation in the Empire, that is, by considering the military reforms executed in the 9th and 10th century. This paper focuses on the problem of the military-administrative competences of the merarches, which have been the subject of different interpretations in the modern, scholarly literature. One of the aims of this research is the definition of the timeframe within which the reestablishment of this rank in the Byzantine army occured.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document