Parking Access, Beach Usage, and Race: A Study of the Relationship Between Parking Access and Racial Inequality at Public Beaches in Palm Beach County, Florida

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-75
Author(s):  
Howard R. Ernst
2019 ◽  
pp. 107808741987746 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Alvord ◽  
Emily Rauscher

In the context of tight state budgets, local education funding is increasingly important. This article examines the relationship between district-level demographic characteristics and voter support for tax increases to fund the local school district. Using district-level panel data on California school district elections and demographics from 1995 to 2014, we ask the following questions: (1) What is the relationship between demographics and support for school district tax measures? and (2) Does this relationship vary by the type of tax measure? Results suggest that voter support varies by district demographics. However, results differ for bond and property tax measures and suggest that the proportion of Black students increases the likelihood of passing a bond measure but reduces the likelihood of passing a property tax measure. This heterogeneity offers one potential explanation for contradictory evidence in the literature. Results have implications for racial inequality of educational resources between districts.


2020 ◽  
pp. 107808742090865
Author(s):  
Katherine Levine Einstein ◽  
Luisa Godinez Puig ◽  
Spencer Piston

Many scholars examine what role cities can play in addressing racial inequality. Yet existing research presents little direct evidence of local political elites’ perceptions of racial inequality and preferred strategies to address it. Which mayors perceive racial inequality to be a problem in their cities, and which mayors prefer substantive rather than symbolic solutions to this problem? To answer this question, we survey more than 100 mayors of large and mid-sized American cities. We find that, while a sizable proportion of mayors advocate for policy change, many others either deny that racial inequality exists, claim that they do not have control over racial inequality, or promote symbolic dialogues about race. Democratic mayors are substantially more likely to acknowledge racial inequality in a variety of domains. Non-White mayors and mayors of cities facing larger racial income inequality are also somewhat more aware of racial inequality, although the relationship is less consistent. Perceptual screens may prevent many mayors from pursuing vigorous policy solutions to racial inequality.


2019 ◽  
pp. 000276421985962 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kasey Henricks

Few studies that disentangle the relationship between race, crime, and punishment have turned to administrative documents as a central site of power. Speaking to this omission, I use a case study of mandatory financial sanctions in the Criminal Division of the Cook County Circuit Court in the State of Illinois. The analysis draws upon a sample of 89 sanctions imposed upon conviction, at the state and county levels, to identify three bureaucratic aspects that sustain racial inequality. One, these sanctions are represented in ways that abstract the conviction process from its highly racialized context. Two, these sanctions enable legal actors to enact a multilevel mode of decision making, combining compulsory and discretionary judgment, that entrenches racial bias within the broader legal organization of punishment. And three, these sanctions redistribute the operational costs of justice through earmarks onto those who are processed through the system (i.e., disproportionately people of color). Altogether, these bureaucratic aspects paradoxically intensify racial stratification in ways that are seemingly nonracial.


2016 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin F. Steinmetz ◽  
Brian P. Schaefer ◽  
Howard Henderson

In recent times, several tragic events have brought attention to the relationship between policing and racial/ethnic minorities in the United States. Scholars, activists, and pundits have clamored to explain tensions that have arisen from these police-related deaths. The authors contribute to the discussion by asserting that contemporary policing in America, and its relationship to racial inequality, is only the latest chapter in a broader historical narrative in which the police constitute the front line of a race- and class-stratified social order. In other words, contemporary criminal justice and race struggles are a legacy of colonialism. This essay begins with a brief overview of colonialism before turning toward dissecting the contemporary colonial character of policing African American urban ghetto communities in four parts. First, the emergence of ghettos as internal colonies is described. Second, mechanisms are given that propelled the mass entry of police into ghetto spaces, with particular attention given to the war on drugs, broken-windows and order-maintenance policing, and police militarization. Third, the authors explore how contemporary policing acts to manage the colonized through police stops, searches, and other practices. Finally, the relationship between American policing practices and cultural denigration of African Americans is described.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 450-480 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison P. Harris ◽  
Elliott Ash ◽  
Jeffrey Fagan

AbstractThis paper provides evidence of racial variation in traffic enforcement responses to local government budget stress using data from policing agencies in the state of Missouri from 2001 through 2012. Like previous studies, we find that local budget stress is associated with higher citation rates; we also find an increase in traffic-stop arrest rates. However, we find that these effects are concentrated among White (rather than Black or Latino) drivers. The results are robust to the inclusion of a range of covariates and a variety of model specifications, including a regression discontinuity examining bare budget shortfalls. Considering potential mechanisms, we find that targeting of White drivers is higher where the White-to-Black income ratio is higher, consistent with the targeting of drivers who are better able to pay fines. Further, the relative effect on White drivers is higher in areas with statistical over-policing of Black drivers: when Black drivers are already getting too many fines, police cite White drivers from whom they are presumably more likely to be able to raise the needed extra revenue. These results highlight the relationship between policing-as-taxation and racial inequality in policing outcomes.


Dados ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
André Salata

ABSTRACT The article deals with the relationship between race, class and income in Brazil, with the main objective of investigating the determinants of racial inequality in the country’s labour market. By making use of structural equation models, it analyses the process of setting income differentials between whites and blacks, from their social origin to the definition of wages, through schooling and occupational allocation. The analysis, based on data from the Brazilian National Household Sample Survey, collected in 2014, allows us to compare direct, indirect and total effects of race and social origin on income from work. Results show that, although the total effects of social origin are larger than racial effects, the former cannot explain most disadvantages suffered by blacks nowadays in Brazil, which occur mainly indirectly – through education and occupation. Thus, the study brings new, updated and more detailed evidence to a long-standing debate.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 465-473 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuela Boatca

While I agree, and have previously argued myself that closer attention should be paid to semiperipheries in terms of their transformative potential, I consider the claim that nonwestern semiperipheries exacerbate and even cause racial/ethnic inequality misleading. In the following, I thus want to caution against what I think are three weak links in the authors’ argument: mistaking visibility for causation, conflating the concept of race with the reality of racism (and its many historical and geopolitical configurations), as well as throwing the baby (white supremacy) out with the bathwater (Western knowledge).I will limit my comments to two aspects. The first one is methodological and concerns the unclear unit of analysis that underlies the authors’ claim for the centrality of non-Western semiperipheries to ethnic/racial inequality. The second aspect is more substantive and targets the relationship between racism and the emergence, functioning, and reproduction of the modern/colonial world system.


Author(s):  
Robert Gooding-Williams

The relationship between antiracist critical theory and the study of the history of African American thought merits consideration in light of an ongoing debate between anachronists and antiquarians about the relationship between the current practice of philosophy and the study of the history of philosophy. Contemporary antiracist critical theory is extensive and includes expansive genealogical and critical historical accounts of modern racism; racial and gender oppression; roles that policing, prison growth, and segregation play in perpetuating racial inequality; and appraisals of recent black politics—including the “Black Lives Matter” movement. Many of these efforts take up the history of African American political thought and complicate our understanding of the relationship between the issues that engage contemporary critical theorists and the issues that engaged some of their predecessors. Recent scholarship on the social and political thought of W. E. B. Du Bois is highly relevant to this comparison between critical theory and intellectual history.


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