The Yazidis

Author(s):  
Christine Allison

One of the world’s most endangered religious minorities, the Yazidis are a predominantly Kurdish-speaking group numbering some 500,000 souls, who once inhabited a wide area stretching across eastern Turkey, northern Syria, northern Iraq, and western Iran. Of these territories, only the community in Iraq still numbers in the hundreds of thousands. Most come from two areas: Sheikhan, a collection of villages and towns to the northeast of Mosul, and Sinjar, a mountain to the northwest close to the border with Syria. Until recently these areas seemed stable; however, in August 2014, the so-called Islamic State (Da‘esh) attacked the ancient community of Yazidis of Mount Sinjar, massacring hundreds of men, enslaving thousands of women and children, and driving the population of some 350,000 Yazidis into camps for internally displaced persons in the Kurdistan region. They are targeted because of their non-Abrahamic religion; for many years they have been erroneously known as “devil-worshippers.” In fact, their belief system incorporates visible elements from the three “religions of the Book” (Judaism, Christianity, and Islam) and traces of lesser-known religions, upon a substratum that may derive from Iranian religions (Zoroastrianism or similar). It is not a proselytizing faith, and religious relationships within the community are determined by birth. Marrying out is traditionally forbidden. Yazidis are relative newcomers to urban life and are often socially, economically, and educationally disadvantaged. Internal pressures, especially from the youth, to “modernize” the religion have existed at least since the 1990s. However, the main drive toward change comes now from the Yazidis’ loss of confidence in their safety in Iraq and their consequent migration toward Europe and the stresses of diaspora life. At the same time, an increasingly activist younger generation is demanding justice. The future of Yazidism is unclear, but it will certainly never be the same again.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 131-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Dulz

In the summer of 2014 the expansion of “The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant” (ISIL/ISIS) from Syria into Iraqi territory triggered the displacement of two to three hundred thousand members of the Yezidi community in Northern Iraq. Displaced from Sinjar and other districts in the Nineveh governorate, the majority of Yezidis are hosted in the Dohuk governorate and are living there as internally displaced persons. The article explores the impact of the displacement from different angles and investigates the impact on the Yezidi community as well as the impact on ethnic and religious aspects of social life in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq.Abstract in KurmanjiKoçberbûna Êzdiyan piştî peydabûna DAIŞê li Bakurê IraqêHavîna 2014an, belavbûna “Dewleta Îslamî ya Iraq û Şamê” (DAIŞ) ji Surî bo nav axa Iraqê, bû sebebê jicihbûn û koçberiya dused-sêsed hezar endamên civaka êzdî li Bakurê Iraqê. Piraniya êzdiyên ji Şingalê û navçeyên din ên wîlayeta Mûsilê penaber bûyî, li wilayeta Duhokê dihewin an jî wek penaberên navxweyî li wir dijîn. Ev gotar berê xwe dide vekolîna tesîra jicihbûn an koçberbûnê ji nêrînên cuda û tesîra wê li ser civaka êzdî ligel tesîra wê ya li ser aliyên qewmî û dînî yên jiyana civakî li Herêma Kurdistanê ya Iraqê. Abstract in Sorani


2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-56
Author(s):  
Layla Abdulkhalk Abass

Internally displaced persons are peoples displaced in it is own country but not crossed a border. After (Islamic State of Iraq and Syria attacked in 2014 to Iraq, millions of Iraqi people flee from their own city war zone to safe camps in Kurdistan region north of Iraq, Arbat camp is one of these camps. Iraqi civilian people constitute most new displacement persons around the world as at least 2.2 million were displaced in 2014. An important part of basic maternal health care is antenatal care that must be provided during pregnancy. Aim of this study is to provide demographic data of Internally Displaced Persons pregnant women and the effect on antenatal care knowledge and practices among of Arbat camp that visits to camp health centers on their health. Assessment of knowledge and practices of pregnant women about antennal care. A cross-sectional descriptive study has been conducted to assess the knowledge and practices of (103) women attended to antenatal care of internally displaced persons) at Arbat camps between 1 January to 30 June 2016. Data collected through the questionnaire form by face-to-face interview. Statistical analyses performed by using SPSS version 16.0, to find descriptive analysis like percentage and frequency and for relative statistical analysis. The results have revealed that most of the pregnant women were in the active reproductive age group 18-25 years old 56(54.4%) pregnant women, housewives 102(99%), illiterate 48(46.6%) pregnant women, were in families that have low income with 48(46.6%) pregnant women with significant relation to the knowledge and practices to antenatal care. In conclusion, most pregnant women have very good knowledge about antenatal care except about performing oral health hygiene during pregnancy. The majority of pregnant women in camps have very good knowledge about all practices that must be do during antenatal except taking medication without a physician prescription.


Ethnicities ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irene Costantini ◽  
Dylan O’Driscoll

This article examines the practices and narratives of inclusion and exclusion in Iraq in relation to ethnic and religious minorities displaced by the Islamic State and the resulting war. Examining the displacement in Iraq through the lens of citizenship, and utilising 29 in-depth qualitative interviews with internally displaced people (IDPs) in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq, this article argues that displacement has been accompanied by practices and narratives meant to include internally displaced people in a particularistic articulation of belonging rather than to ensure a substantive participation as Iraqi or Kurdistan Region of Iraq citizens. Rhetoric of citizenship in Iraq changes between civic and ethnosectarian belonging based on conflict dynamics and the competition for power, whilst remaining ethnosectarian in reality. Thus, internally displaced people and their citizenship have become entangled in wider ethnosectarian competition in Iraq, and narratives and practices of citizenship change to fit the objectives of these wider actors, mainly Baghdad and Erbil, rather than being based on inclusiveness and civic identity.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Perjan Hashim Taha ◽  
Nezar Ismet Taib ◽  
Hushyar Musa Sulaiman

Abstract Background In 2014, the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) took over one-third of Iraq. This study measured the rate of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) among Iraqi Yazidi internally displaced persons (IDPs) and examined associated demographic and traumatic risk factors. Methods A cross-sectional survey was carried out in April–June 2015 at the Khanke camp, northern Iraq. Trauma exposure and PTSD were measured by the Harvard Trauma Questionnaire (Iraqi version). Results Of 814 adult Yazidi IDPs, 34% screened positive for PTSD. Avoidance and intrusion symptoms had the highest means (M = 3.16, SD = 0.86 and M = 2.63, SD = 0.59 respectively). Associated factors of PTSD included exposure to a high number of traumatic events, unmet basic needs and having witnessed the destruction of residential or religious areas (OR = 1.39, 95% CI: 1.02–1.9 and OR = 1.25, 95% CI: 1.01–1.53 respectively). Being a widow was the only linked demographic factor (OR = 15.39, 95% CI: 3.02–78.39). Conclusions High traumatic exposure, specifically unmet basic needs and having witnessed destruction, was an important predictor of PTSD among Yazidi IDPs. These findings are important for mental health planning for IDPs in camps.


Author(s):  
Thomas Schmidinger

When the so-called “Islamic State” (IS) attacked Iraq’s Nineveh Governorate, the region’s religious minorities became victims of genocide and displacement. This chapter focuses on the region of Sinjar (Kurdish: Şingal) and the displacement of the Yazidi (Kurdish: Êzîdî) along with other religious minorities living there. The displacement of these groups directly resulted from their vulnerability as religious minorities. IS targeted them as religious minorities, and their current problems as internally displaced persons (IDPs) also resulted from their status as relatively small communities without a historically strong political lobby or military force. This chapter analyzes the living conditions and political framework in which these IDPs and refugees must survive and presents their personal perspectives from inside and outside of Iraq. Interviews were centered on the following questions: What conditions prevent Yazidi, Christians, and other groups from returning to Sinjar? What are their perspectives on building a future in the region? What would they need in order to return and rebuild their homes? And how do the displaced adherents of the different religious groups interpret the 2014 genocide within a longer history of perceived genocidal acts against religious minorities in the area?


PLoS ONE ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. e0228482
Author(s):  
Julie Watson ◽  
Oliver Cumming ◽  
Robert Aunger ◽  
Claudio Deola ◽  
Rachel P. Chase ◽  
...  

Refuge ◽  
2007 ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
David Romano

Regime change in Iraq has opened the door to the return of hundreds of thousands of refugees and internally displaced persons (IDPs), the majority of whom were expelled from Kirkuk and other areas in northern Iraq. The Iraqi case presents three broad, readily identifiable categories of displaced persons: refugees in Iraq's neighbouring states, internally displaced persons, and refugees and migrants in third countries further afield. The first two categories include the largest numbers of displaced people as well as the majority of those with a great desire or pressing need to return to their homelands in Iraq. Although some of those displaced have succeeded in making a good life for themselves in their new new homes, those who did not manage well after their displacement generally long to return to their original towns and homes. However, the following general problems, in order of gravity, impede the success and sustainability of returns to northern Iraq: (i) sectarian competition over political structures and power distributions in post-Saddam Iraq; (ii) increasing lack of security in Iraq; (iii) insufficient preparations and slow policy implementation by the former CPA and Coalition Forces; (iv) insufficient financial resources to deal with the full magnitude of the displacement problem in Iraq; and (v) high expectations of returnees vis-a-vis continuing lack of opportunities and the slow rate of positive developments in the social, economic and political situation in Iraq. However, the emerging political contests over the future of the new Iraq greatly complicate effective and comprehensive return programs; the ultimate test of success and sustainability of return to Iraq will depend on the future of post-Saddam Iraq itself.


Author(s):  
Nazar Jamil Abdulazeez

Since the parliamentary elections in 31st April 2014, the political process in Iraq described as a fragile, ethnic tension have mounted and security situation declined tremendously with the rises of Islamic State in Sunni Arab populated areas. Since 10th June 2014, over a million internally displaced people approached Iraqi Kurdistan Region in a two-week time period. More than 300,000 monitories, including Yazidi Kurds and Christians, have fled to Duhok city. Additionally, over 40,000 civilians Yazidis trapped for a week in the mountain of Snjar, running from Islamic State (IS). This text works out measures for accommodating conflicts and claims of Iraqi sectarian groups. In order to explore and assess application of those means in conflict accommodation in Iraq, first, this text analyses the conflict through identifying actors, outlines the structure of the conflict and change in the dynamic of the conflict over the time. Second section of this text, illustrates the means for reconciliation of different identities in the world of politics based on the conflict analysis.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 196-229 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nicolaus ◽  
Serkan Yuce

Even though almost three years have passed since the black banners of the terror organisation, calling themselves the “Islamic State of Iraq and Syria” (ISIS) were first hoisted throughout the Yezidi heartland of Sinjar, the Yezidi community continues to be targeted by ISIS, militias. 300,000 vegetate in camps as Internally Displaced Persons (IDP) in Iraqi Kurdistan; thousands of others have been killed, are missing, or remain in captivity where they are subjected to unspeakable sexual and physical abuse. With deference for these victims of violence, and without detracting from the collective suffering and trauma of the entire Yezidi community of Sinjar (families, women, men, and children alike), the authors have chosen to focus the present article on the plight and misery of the females; who were, and still are, facing despicable sexual abuses, unfathomable atrocities, and unfettered human rights violations. In doing so, they highlight the views of the fundamentalist Islam practiced by ISIS that encourages sex-slavery, while elaborating on the complacent acceptance of ISIS terror tactics by the local Sunni population of the territories they control. The work goes on to describe how survivors escaped, as well as how they are received and treated by the Yezidi community and state authorities. This discussion includes an overview of the national and international mechanisms available for prosecuting ISIS members for their crimes of genocide against the Yezidi people. The authors further stress that the genocide has contributed to, and even accelerated the process of the Yezidi selfidentification as a unique ethno-religious entity; which, in turn, has produced changes to their religious traditions. These changes will be briefly covered by examining a new approach to the institution of the Kerāfat.


Significance The operations follow a week after the single-most devastating jihadist attack since 2015, when at least 39 people were killed after an assault on a mining convoy in the Est region. Worsening insecurity has seen the French government launch a new operation, ‘Bourgou IV’, as part of its Sahel-wide counterterrorism Operation Barkhane. Meanwhile, a deteriorating humanitarian situation has seen the number of internally displaced persons (IDPs) swell to almost 500,000, from 47,000 last January. Impacts The ruling party's cohesion will be tested amid Kabore’s declining public popularity. Exiled former President Blaise Compaore may play an increasingly influential role before the 2020 polls amid rising nostalgia for his rule. Local Islamic State and al-Qaida-linked groups are more likely to cooperate loosely in this region than is the case elsewhere.


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