Compounding: From Latin to Romance

Author(s):  
Franz Rainer

Compounding in the narrow sense of the term, that is, leaving aside so-called syntagmatic compounds like pomme de terre ‘potato’, is a process of word formation that creates new lexemes by combining more than one lexeme according to principles different from those of syntax. New lexemes created according to ordinary syntactic principles are by some called syntagmatic compounds, also juxtapositions in the Romance tradition since Darmesteter. In a diachronically oriented article such as this one, it is convenient to take into consideration both types of compounding, since most patterns of compounding in Romance have syntactic origins. This syntactic origin is responsible for the fact that the boundaries between compounding and syntax continue to be fuzzy in modern Romance varieties, the precise delimitation being very much theory-dependent (for a discussion based on Portuguese, cf. Rio-Torto & Ribeiro, 2009). Whether some Latin patterns of compounding might, after all, have come down to the Romance languages through the popular channel of transmission continues to be controversial. There can be no doubt, however, that most of them were doomed.

Author(s):  
Franz Rainer

All languages seem to have nouns and verbs, while the dimension of the class of adjectives varies considerably cross-linguistically. In some languages, verbs or, to a lesser extent, nouns take over the functions that adjectives fulfill in Indo-European languages. Like other such languages, Latin and the Romance languages have a rich category of adjectives, with a well-developed inventory of patterns of word formation that can be used to enrich it. There are about 100 patterns in Romance standard languages. The semantic categories expressed by adjectival derivation in Latin have remained remarkably stable in Romance, despite important changes at the level of single patterns. To some extent, this stability is certainly due to the profound process of relatinization that especially the Romance standard languages have undergone over the last 1,000 years; however, we may assume that it also reflects the cognitive importance of the semantic categories involved. Losses were mainly due to phonological attrition (Latin unstressed suffixes were generally doomed) and to the fact that many derived adjectives became nouns via ellipsis, thereby often reducing the stock of adjectives. At the same time, new adjectival patterns arose as a consequence of language contact and through semantic change, processes of noun–adjective conversion, and the transformation of evaluative suffixes into ethnic suffixes. Overall, the inventory of adjectival patterns of word formation is richer in present-day Romance languages than it was in Latin.


Author(s):  
Eve V. Clark

Several factors influence children’s initial choices of word-formation options––simplicity of form, transparency of meaning, and productivity in current adult speech. The coining of new words is also constrained by general pragmatic considerations for usage: Reliance on conventionality, contrast, and cooperation between speaker and addressee. For children acquiring French, Italian, Portuguese, and Spanish, the data on what they know about word-formation for the coining of new words consist primarily of diary observations; in some cases, these are supplemented with experimental elicitation studies of the comprehension and production of new word-forms. The general patterns in Romance acquisition of word-formation favor derivation over compounding. Children produce some spontaneous coinages with zero derivation (verbs converted to nouns in French, for example) from as young as 2 years, 6 months (2;6). The earliest suffixes children put to use in these languages tend to be agentive (from 2;6 to 3 years onward), followed by instrumental, objective, locative, and, slightly later, diminutive. The only prefixes that emerge early in child innovations are negative ones used to express reversals of actions. Overall, the general patterns of acquisition for word-formation in Romance are similar to those in Semitic, where derivation is also more productive than compounding, rather than to those in Germanic, where compounding is highly productive, and emerges very early, before any derivational forms.


1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe E. Barbaud

In this study, it is shown that the "category changing" property of morphological rules of conversion is unable to account for compound words, for formal and semantic reasons. Several convergent facts demonstrate that the compounding process is syntactic in nature. Consequently, it is argued that X-bar theory must be involved in compound word formation because of the "lexical function" of the syntax. Empirical data are mainly focused on French Noms Composés à base Verbale, or NCV, as tire-bouchon (cork screw),porte-parole (spoke person), gagne-pain (job), etc., which are analyzed as base generated "quasi-VPs" embedded in a NP. Thus, the NPWP exocentric dominance instantiates a "syntactic conversion" at the D-structure level. Such a categorial hierarchy is based on the "distribution changing" property of X-bar theory rather than on the "category changing" property of structuring morphological rules. Therefore, the high productivity of NCVs in French and other Romance languages is due to their morphology, which allows SPEC\HEAD agreement and VERB RAISING movement. The licensing of exocentric X-bar structures in grammar depends on several semantic principles of lexical interpretation, which are relevant to hyperonymy, hyponymy, meronymy, etc.. Thus, the model is dispensed with a superfluous component of "peripheral" rules of compounding. In conclusion, exocentricity of syntactic structures leads the author to claim that X-bar schema is primitive in grammar and that a given phrase is not the necessary projection of its head.


2018 ◽  
Vol 22 (22) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Inga Hennecke ◽  
Harald Baayen

The distinction between syntagmatic compounds of the type N Prep N, such as Fr. jouet d’enfant, and nominal syntagms of the type N Prep N, such as the partially equivalent Fr. jouet pour enfants, remains unclear and vague. This is mainly because the lexical and syntactic status of syntagmatic compounds still is controversial. In some cases, as in jouet d’enfant and jouet pour enfants, partial equivalent syntagmatic compounds and nominal syntagms may coexist and underlie a specific variation and alternation. In other cases, such as Pt. bracelete de aço and bracelete em aço, two variants of a syntagmatic compound may alternate and coexist. The first part of this paper provides an overview of the current discussion on these two types of constructions. The second part addresses the alternation and variation of syntagmatic compounds and nominal syntagms by means of analysis of large-scale corpus data, the French, Spanish and Portuguese corpus of the TenTen family. Here, the focus lies on the variation of the prepositional internal element of these constructions as well as on a comparison of different word formation patterns.


Author(s):  
Franz Rainer

Even the most primitive hunter-gatherers occasionally had to give names to tools and places, and the need for instrument and place nouns has grown ever since in tandem with the unfolding of human culture. It is therefore no wonder that the majority of languages of the world, among them Latin and the Romance languages, have specific patterns of word formation to this effect. As is the case with other categories of word formation, those referred to with instrument noun and place noun do not constitute conceptually homogeneous sets, but sets of conceptually related subcategories. Instrument nouns comprise objects that can range from simple tools and gadgets to complex machines, but can also represent less prototypically instrumental objects like chemical substances or pieces of clothing and armor, as well as more abstract entities that are often referred to as means. Place names, in turn, cover subcategories as diverse as terrains, fields and groves, burrows, stalls and other buildings, countries, regions, and towns. Vessels represent a category located halfway between instrument and place nouns: an inkpot, for example, is an artifact designed to contain ink and as such close to an instrument, but can also be viewed as a place where ink is stored. Both instrument and place nouns can take as bases nouns and verbs, more rarely adjectives. This description of the two categories is essentially valid for both Latin and Romance. The category of place nouns has remained relatively stable at the conceptual level throughout the period considered here, although many changes can be observed for individual suffixes. Instrument nouns, by contrast, have suffered a major overhaul in the wake of the scientific and industrial revolutions.


1989 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 311-326
Author(s):  
Heribert Rück ◽  
Alicja Sakaguchi

Summary Apart from his numerous works in comparative linguistics, Rasmus Kristian Rask (1787–1832) is also the author of a manuscript in which he sets forth in detail his conception of a universal auxiliary language. Written during 1819–1820, this 72-page treatise, entitled Optegnelser til en Pasigraphie, has been neglected by linguistic research up to the present, in part because it remained in manuscript form. Rask’s draft of a planned language is divided into three sections: (1) The grammatical system and basic vocabulary; (2) numerous examples of word-formation, morphology etc. and (3) samples of texts. Rask deplores the waste of energy resulting from the multiplicity of languages in international communication. In his opinion, many intellectual achievements are lost or cannot be further developed owing to lack of exchange facilities. Instead of having to learn words and structures, people should be placed in a position to tackle the subject matter. The practical aim of linguistic studies should therefore be the creation of an international means of communication to be used in the field of science as well as in every-day life. Important postulates of such a conception would be: improved learnability by means of simplification of grammatical structures, consistency in word-formation and easy articulation for people of different language communities. To conform to these aims, Rask decided to create a system mainly on the basis of romance languages, i.e., Latin, Spanish, French and Portugese, complemented by Greek and English. Rask’s essay presents a hitherto unknown type of planned language, commonly described as ‘naturalistic’. Whereas other aposterioric systems like Esperanto give priority to regularity and logic and are therefore called ‘autonomous’, Rask tries to remain faithful to the results of historical evolution. In that respect, Rask’s project resembles Otto Jespersen’s ‘Novial’, which was to be conceived a century later.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 241-253 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristel Van Goethem

It has been demonstrated in the literature on Germanic languages that lexicalized A+N phrases may have the same naming function as A+N compounds ( Jackendoff 1997 , 2002 ; Booij 2002 ; Hüning 2004 , forthcoming a ; Schlücker 2008 ). However, these languages may show particular preferences for either the former or the latter naming strategy, even when both strategies are available. In German A+N compounding is, comparatively speaking, very productive, whereas it is said to be no longer productive in English, which generally uses A+N phrases for the same function (e.g. Festplatte – hard disk). Dutch seems to take an intermediary position: here, both word formation processes are productive; but compared to German, Dutch shows a stronger preference for lexicalized A+N phrases (cf. De Caluwe 1990 ; Booij 2002 ; Hüning forthcoming a ). The central aim of this paper is to situate French on this lexicon-grammar continuum. This, however, requires first of all the formulation of a univocal definition of compounding, since the notion generally receives a less restrictive interpretation in Romance languages than it does in Germanic languages. It will be shown that French has a strong preference for lexicalized A+N phrases: even when both German and Dutch use A+N compounds, French – like English – generally still opts for the syntactic naming strategy (e.g. Schnellzug – sneltrein – fast train – train rapide).


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 176-207
Author(s):  
Claudio Iacobini

This article provides a comprehensive overview of prefixation in Romance languages putting in relation the differences between standard and non-standard varieties in the current synchronic stage and, from a diachronic perspective, the different productivity of verbal prefixation and nominal and adjectival prefixation over the history of Romance languages. The article also deals with the relations between system-internal factors, such as the delimitation and interaction between native and foreign word-formation, as well as the competition between verbal prefixation and other linguistic resources through which spatial information can be expressed. The focus will also be placed on system-external factors, including the diffusion in common language of learned terms which have contributed to revitalizing nominal and adjectival prefixation, although not verbal prefixation. Such an approach makes it possible to account for the higher productivity in current standard Romance languages of nominal and adjectival prefixation compared with verbal prefixation. Furthermore, it provides an explanation for the differences between standard and non-standard Romance languages with regard to the productivity of nominal and adjectival prefixation. The replacement of spatial verbal prefixes with verbs expressing path in the root is interpreted as the result of a more general restructuring of space encoding.


Author(s):  
Cecilio Garriga Escribano

The language of chemistry has seldom been the object of study by linguists, who tend to prioritize literary works. Nevertheless, in recent years its study has developed, at a different pace for each of the Romance languages. It is therefore important to describe the current state of research separately for French, Spanish, Italian, Portuguese, Romanian, and Catalan. The work of historians of science, who have always dedicated particular attention to the language of chemistry, is particularly pertinent to this purpose. Toward the end of the 18th century, French chemists spearheaded a terminological revolution: traditional terms used in alchemy were replaced by a well-structured, systematic nomenclature that was quickly adopted by the scientific community, mainly through the translation of French chemical texts, many of which were pedagogical in nature. It is important to trace the dissemination process of new chemical nomenclature in each country and in each language, since it was not uniform. This new nomenclature is firmly based on the classical languages, particularly Greek, and it adopts a broad range of suffixes and prefixes for systematization. During the 19th century, this system steadily consolidates as the field of chemistry develops, until a standardized international nomenclature is established. From a lexicographical standpoint, the treatment of chemical terms in both general and specialized dictionaries deserves attention. Traditional lexicography has mistakenly classified many chemical terms as Hellenisms, while from the early 21st century onward they have been recognized as Gallicisms thanks to research carried out by historians of scientific language. Finally, the procedures the Romance languages follow to coin chemical terms—both to name elements and chemicals and to express chemical combinations by means of word formation processes—must be taken into account.


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