scholarly journals Do non-governmental organizations bring change or maintain the status quo in times of crisis? A case study of the Marikana massacre in South Africa

Author(s):  
Malose Langa ◽  
Steven Rebello ◽  
Linda Harms-Smith

Abstract This article reflects on the Marikana massacre of August 2012, subsequent violent strikes and responses by non-governmental organizations (NGOs) as a case study, and provides an analysis about whether these interventions bring transformative change or maintain the status quo in times of crisis. Events associated with Marikana are seen to be embedded in social structures of the time and part of deeper frictions and fractures of social transformation. The role that NGOs might play in this context must be interrogated as to their facilitation or hinderance of such social transformation. Interviews were conducted with representatives of NGOs intervening in Marikana that provided services of humanitarian assistance, and legal and psychosocial interventions and with mine workers and residents of Marikana about their experiences and views of these services. Findings from the study are illustrative of how NGOs were not primarily motivated to bring about lasting, transformative change but rather attempted to address immediate or short-term needs which, while important, did not account for underlying causes of the crises that they set out to address. Both ideological underpinnings of NGOs and structural conditions produced by state and capital impact on outcomes of interventions. Given these limitations, it is argued that there is a need for deep critical interrogation through praxis, for NGOs to intervene differently in times of crisis to bring ‘real’ change and transformation in the lives of those who are marginalized.

Author(s):  
Dobrinka Chankova

The concept of restorative justice as a type of alternative justice that focuses on the recovery of harm from crime, the victim, the perpetrator and the status quo in general, rather than on repression, is no longer new. It has long had its international legal basis – acts of the UN, EU, Council of Europe and others. Its main tools – victim-offender mediation, family conferences, problem-solving circles and more, are already established and widely used in most European countries and America, Asia, Australia, and Africa. Although marked in some strategic documents in our country recently, restorative justice is not a legal fact yet. However, in the global criminal crisis, deficits of the criminal justice system's functioning could be successfully, if not completely eliminated, then at least mitigated through its mechanisms. Individual scientists and representatives of non-governmental organizations have not only dreamed since the beginning of this century but are working hard to introduce its models. Politicians and decision-makers and part of the legal community show stubborn rigidity and resistance, refusing to put this issue on the current agenda of society, under various pretexts, but primarily defending their "preserved interests and monopoly" in criminal justice. At the same time, the crisis with the COVID-19 pandemic raises the issue again with particular urgency. That is why it is high time to abandon the unproductive "penal populism", to revitalize the debate for the mentioned novelty and achieve synchronicity between visionaries, dreamers, practitioners and users.


2019 ◽  
pp. 305-344
Author(s):  
Melanie Coni-Zimmer ◽  
Annegret Flohr ◽  
Klaus Dieter Wolf

The chapter investigates the preferences of BRICS and NGOs with regard to the exercise of transnational private authority. Three such governance schemes are selected: the Kimberley Process, the Global Compact, and the Social Accountability 8000 (SA8000) certification scheme. Transnational governance schemes are part of the liberal status quo. Yet, preferences of BRICS and non-governmental organizations (NGOs) are so diverse that there is rarely joint contestation nor is there an alliance between the two groups of actors. The analysis shows that it is mainly civil society organizations (CSOs) which contest privatized governance schemes. Business-related interest groups are generally supporting such schemes, to little surprise. BRICS also show a remarkable level of support for privatized forms of governance. The clearest differences in preferences exist between CSOs and BRICS: whereas CSOs champion stronger international institutions, the support of BRICS for private governance schemes increases in proportion to the weakness of a given arrangement or to the extent of national discretion it still affords them. In light of BRICS’ and NGOs’ different preferences, on the one hand, and among the members of each of these groups, on the other hand, neither of these two ‘groups’ can be considered close to having a single shared vision of global order. As a result, there is also little potential for strategic cooperation between BRICS and NGOs when it comes to contesting the status quo of transnational private authority.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (5) ◽  
pp. 568-583 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zakarya A. Alzamil

Purpose Information security of an organization is influenced by the deployed policy and procedures. Information security policy reflects the organization’s attitude to the protection of its information assets. The purpose of this paper is to investigate the status of the information security policy at a subset of Saudi’s organizations by understanding the perceptions of their information technology’s employees. Design/methodology/approach A descriptive and statistical approach has been used to describe the collected data and characteristics of the IT employees and managers to understand the information security policy at the surveyed organizations. The author believes that understanding the IT employees’ views gives a better understanding of the organization’s status of information security policy. Findings It has been found that most of the surveyed organizations have established information security policy and deployed fair technology; however, many of such policies are not enforced and publicized effectively and efficiently which degraded the deployed technology for such protection. In addition, the clarity and the comprehensibility of such policies are questionable as indicated by most of the IT employees’ responses. A comparison with similar studies at Middle Eastern and European countries has shown similar findings and shares the same concerns. Originality/value The findings of this research suggest that the Saudi Communications and Information Technology Commission should develop a national framework for information security to guide the governmental and non-governmental organizations as well as the information security practitioners on the good information security practices in terms of policy and procedures to help the organizations to avoid any vulnerability that may lead to violations on the security of their information.


Contested World Orders systematically compares the demands of rising powers and non-governmental organizations towards international institutions. As international institutions have taken on ever more ambitious tasks, they have been challenged by rising powers dissatisfied with existing institutional inequalities, by non-governmental organizations worried about the direction of global governance, and even by some established powers no longer content to lead the institutions they themselves created. While the debates about the changing international system often focus on the overall structure, this book aims at providing a comprehensive and comparative analysis of the constellation of preferences on the level of individual institutions. Three contributions should be highlighted. First, while demands for change are numerous and often severe, they are largely driven by specific institutional features and interest constellations. There is little evidence of a cleavage between established and rising powers or a hegemonic struggle between the US and China. On many conflicts there are established and rising powers on both sides. Second, in some cases the rising powers have in fact defended the status quo. They have opposed both Western countries’ attempts to increase the intrusiveness of market-making international institutions and NGOs’ attempts to have stronger market-braking regulation of global markets. Third, conflicts appear to be most intractable where established powers aim to defend their institutional privileges against rising powers who demand institutional roles commensurate with their new-found influence.


Author(s):  
Nadya Weber

This paper looks at the changing nature of international development non-governmental organizations' development education programming in England and Canada. A documentary analysis of the changes in Save the Children Canada and Save the Children UK's development education materials illuminates the shift in international development agencies' education programmes since the late 1990s. A review of a selection of materials produced by Save the Children UK and Save the Children Canada between 1999 and 2007 illustrates the trend of international development agencies moving away from programming that is longer-term, participatory, and dialogical with an emphasis on collective social change towards programming that is shorter-term, individualistic, and didactic, and which reinforces the status quo.


2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
V. S. CHAUHAN ◽  
BHANUMATI SINGH ◽  
SHREE GANESH ◽  
JAMSHED ZAIDI

Studies on air pollution in large cities of India showed that ambient air pollution concentrations are at such levels where serious health effects are possible. This paper presents overview on the status of air quality index (AQI) of Jhansi city by using multivariate statistical techniques. This base line data can help governmental and non-governmental organizations for the management of air pollution.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Robyn Gulliver ◽  
Kelly S. Fielding ◽  
Winnifred Louis

Climate change is a global problem requiring a collective response. Grassroots advocacy has been an important element in propelling this collective response, often through the mechanism of campaigns. However, it is not clear whether the climate change campaigns organized by the environmental advocacy groups are successful in achieving their goals, nor the degree to which other benefits may accrue to groups who run them. To investigate this further, we report a case study of the Australian climate change advocacy sector. Three methods were used to gather data to inform this case study: content analysis of climate change organizations’ websites, analysis of website text relating to campaign outcomes, and interviews with climate change campaigners. Findings demonstrate that climate change advocacy is diverse and achieving substantial successes such as the development of climate change-related legislation and divestment commitments from a range of organizations. The data also highlights additional benefits of campaigning such as gaining access to political power and increasing groups’ financial and volunteer resources. The successful outcomes of campaigns were influenced by the ability of groups to sustain strong personal support networks, use skills and resources available across the wider environmental advocacy network, and form consensus around shared strategic values. Communicating the successes of climate change advocacy could help mobilize collective action to address climate change. As such, this case study of the Australian climate change movement is relevant for both academics focusing on social movements and collective action and advocacy-focused practitioners, philanthropists, and non-governmental organizations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 154-164
Author(s):  
A. N. Gutorova

Non-state factors begin to play more and more significant role in processes of global management. The international non-governmental organizations are on a special place among them (INGO). In the last decade they are growing noticeably. In this regard it is necessary to study the role and the meaning of international non-governmental organizations in the process of global management. It is a vital need of modern science. Attempts to elaborate definition of the concept "international non-governmental organization" were made repeatedly but all developed concepts have certain shortcomings (don't reflect the legal nature of INGO, membership, activity purposes, etc.). The bulk of non-governmental organizations are created for the solution of specific problems or work within a certain perspective. Today these organizations actively deal with issues connected with humanitarian assistance, protection of human rights and environmental protection, providing peace and safety, participate in educational programs, sports projects. They provide analysis and expert assessment of various problems, including global problems, act as mechanism of "early notification" and promote control of international agreements execution. But, without looking, for rather positive role of MNPO in their activity there are also certain problems. INGO is often accused in internal state affairs. Their activity often has politized character.


2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (5) ◽  
pp. 155
Author(s):  
Gilda L. Ochoa

By 10 January 2017, activists in the predominately Latina/o working class city of La Puente, California had lobbied the council to declare the city a sanctuary supporting immigrants, people of color, Muslims, LGBTQ people, and people with disabilities. The same community members urged the school district to declare itself a sanctuary. While community members rejoiced in pushing elected officials to pass these inclusive resolutions, there were multiple roadblocks reducing the potential for more substantive change. Drawing on city council and school board meetings, resolutions and my own involvement in this sanctuary struggle, I focus on a continuum of three overlapping and interlocking manifestations of white supremacist heteronormative patriarchy: neoliberal diversity discourses, institutionalized policies, and a re-emergence of high-profiled white supremacist activities. Together, these dynamics minimized, contained and absorbed community activism and possibilities of change. They reinforced the status quo by maintaining limits on who belongs and sustaining intersecting hierarchies of race, immigration status, gender, and sexuality. This extended case adds to the scant scholarship on the current sanctuary struggles, including among immigration scholars. It also illustrates how the state co-opts and marginalizes movement language, ideas, and people, providing a cautionary tale about the forces that restrict more transformative change.


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