scholarly journals Ambassad’Air: A French example of how citizen sensing can fuel the smart city

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
G Dardier ◽  
F Jabot
Keyword(s):  
Air Quality ◽  
Citizen Science ◽  
Smart City ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Implementation Barriers ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Citizen Sensing ◽  
City Model

Abstract Low-cost sensors are considered as a promising tool to contribute to urban air quality policies. In some initiatives, based on citizen sensing, they are used to gather data and gain a better understanding of the problem, thus fitting in a technology-oriented smart city model. In others, closer to citizen science, they are used to engage citizens in finding solutions, therefore fueling a more citizen-oriented smart city model, the smart enough city. Although important, the political effects of such initiatives have not been widely analyzed so far. To address this issue, we have studied Ambassad'Air, a citizen sensing initiative led in Rennes since 2016: What are the political consequences of this project? And which smart city model does it fuel? Based on a littterature review, we built an analytical framework for the two smart city models. Then, we realized 81 interviews with Ambassad'air's volunteers and managers to analyze the initiative's strategy, its implementation (participatory mechanisms; use of data) and its political effects (change in political agenda or projects; citizen mobilization). Initially, micro-sensors were lent to volunteers with the aim of turning them into peer-educators able to raise awareness around them and into empowered citizens able to influence local air quality policies. However, the initiative faced implementation barriers (persistent blurring between citizen science and citizen sensing; limitations to produce problem-oriented, scientifically validated, mass data) that limited its short-term political effects. It has sparked a local interest, though, for micro-sensors, and it is questionning the management of citizen-produced data. With no political mechanisms that transform citizen sensing from a practice to an input for risk regulation, Ambassad'Air is not quite yet a tool of a smart enough city. But as a way to produce sensitive environments that any citizen can interact with in real-time, it is a step towards a more senseable city. Key messages Citizen sensing can fix the participatory breakdowns of the smart city while feeding its big data but it needs political mechanisms that recognize the role of citizen expertise in decision making. Micro-sensors can serve a wide range of strategies, from community-based environmental surveillance that seeks knowledge to gain power, to top-down citizen sensing that seeks data to gain control.

Kämpfe um Bergbau und die Möglichkeiten demokratischer Transformation

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (189) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kristina Dietz
Keyword(s):  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Social Power ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Mining Project ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Relationship

The article explores the political effects of popular consultations as a means of direct democracy in struggles over mining. Building on concepts from participatory and materialist democracy theory, it shows the transformative potentials of processes of direct democracy towards democratization and emancipation under, and beyond, capitalist and liberal democratic conditions. Empirically the analysis is based on a case study on the protests against the La Colosa gold mining project in Colombia. The analysis reveals that although processes of direct democracy in conflicts over mining cannot transform existing class inequalities and social power relations fundamentally, they can nevertheless alter elements thereof. These are for example the relationship between local and national governments, changes of the political agenda of mining and the opening of new spaces for political participation, where previously there were none. It is here where it’s emancipatory potential can be found.

Threat Framing

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Eriksson
Keyword(s):  
Framing Theory ◽  
Problem Definition ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Allocation Of Resources ◽  
Perception Of Threat ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
Different Types ◽  
Extraordinary Means

What is “threat framing”? It concerns how something or someone is perceived, labeled, and communicated as a threat to something or someone. The designation “threat,” notably, belongs to the wider family of negative concerns such as danger, risk, or hazard. Research on threat framing is not anchored in a single or specific field but rather is scattered across three separate and largely disconnected bodies of literature: framing theory, security studies, and crisis studies. It is noteworthy that whereas these literatures have contributed observations on how and under what consequences something is framed as a threat, none of them have sufficiently problematized the concept of threat. Crisis analysis considers the existence or perception of threat essential for a crisis to emerge, along with a perception of urgency and uncertainty, yet crisis studies focus on the meaning of “crisis” without problematizing the concept of threat. Likewise, security studies have spent a lot of ink defining “security,” typically understood as the “absence of threat,” but leave the notion of “threat” undefined. Further, framing theory is concerned with “problem definition” as a main or first function of framing but generally pays little or no attention to the meaning of “threat.” Moreover, cutting across these bodies of literature is the distinction between constructivist and rationalist approaches, both of which have contributed to the understanding of threat framing. Constructivist analyses have emphasized how threat framing can be embedded in a process of socialization and acculturation, making some frames appear normal and others highly contested. Rationalist approaches, on the other hand, have shown how threat framing can be a conscious strategic choice, intended to accomplish certain political effects such as the legitimization of extraordinary means, allocation of resources, or putting issues high on the political agenda. Although there are only a handful of studies explicitly combining insights across these fields, they have made some noteworthy observations. These studies have shown for example how different types of framing may fuel amity or enmity, cooperation, or conflict. These studies have also found that antagonistic threat frames are more likely to result in a securitizing or militarizing logic than do structural threat frames. Institutionalized threat frames are more likely to gain and maintain saliency, particularly if they are associated with policy monopolies. In the post-truth era, however, the link between evidence and saliency of frames is weakened, leaving room for a much more unpredictable politics of framing.

scholarly journals Political analysis of the neonatal screening for severe combined immunodeficiency - Curitiba, Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
D R L Lima ◽  
P F I Goiozo ◽  
A Sanches ◽  
E De Carvalho ◽  
H A Carvalho ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Public Policy ◽  
Policy Analysis ◽  
Neonatal Screening ◽  
Severe Combined Immunodeficiency ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Combined Immunodeficiency ◽  
Term Survival ◽  
Wide Range

Abstract Severe Combined Immunodeficiency (SCID) is the most aggressive form of primary immunodeficiencies, being able to death within 2 years after birth. In the USA, the screening found that the incidence of SCID was double that previously stipulated, before screening. Israel, Taiwan, Spain and others European countries are also testing for SCID. The long-term survival of patients diagnosed and treated before 4 months of life reaches 94%. Brazil does not perform neonatal screening for SCID through the Public Health System (SUS), numbers are unknown and under-diagnosed, even the treatment for SCID is funded by SUS. Analyze the political dimensions of the bill that aims to implement neonatal screening for SCID in Curitiba, Brazil. Participatory research was carried out between March - October 2019 and, bibliographic research on policy analysis in the context of emerging countries, to understand the criteria are taken into account for the political agenda, the influence of interest groups and the influence of the political arena in the implementation of a public policy through policy analysis. The project is pending in the municipal legislature of Curitiba and faces issues related to the financing of the implementation - a wide range of dependent variables act in the construction of a public policy. Its materialization, although important for public health, must consider real possibilities of implementation. In parallel, independent of the bill, a screening pilot project is under preparation by doctors, academics, and civil society. Brazil has a feasible technique that can be implemented on a large scale for neonatal SCID screening. However, although strongly recommended by the medical community, the implementation of this policy can be unviable by political and financial issues. Key messages The implementation of a public policy involves decisions between institutions, rules of the game and political forces. Early diagnosis may reduce treatment costs, requiring public policies for SCID.

scholarly journals Political Effects of Digital Transformation of Urban Governance (On the Example of Moscow)

2021 ◽  
pp. 21-32
Author(s):  
A. A. Balayan ◽  
L. V. Tomin
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Urban Governance ◽  
Digital Transformation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Biometric Recognition ◽  
Camera Systems ◽  
Political Effects ◽  
City Model ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The City

The paper is devoted to the study of particular political effects of digitalization of urban governance in the Russian Federation. Based on the concept of «surveillance capitalism» and research on the digital transformation of public administration, the authors analyzes the structure and logic of functioning of the «smart city» model using the example of Moscow. Based on the material of street protests, the political effects of the use of digital infrastructure by the city authorities, in particular, camera systems with face recognition technologies, are examined. The study of the Russian situation correlates with the latest decisions of the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council and the European Union’s initiatives to control remote biometric recognition technologies.

scholarly journals AirKit: A Citizen-Sensing Toolkit for Monitoring Air Quality

Sensors ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (12) ◽  
pp. 4044
Author(s):  
Sachit Mahajan ◽  
Jennifer Gabrys ◽  
Joanne Armitage
Keyword(s):  
Data Analysis ◽  
Air Quality ◽  
Low Cost ◽  
Data Communication ◽  
Validation Data ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Citizen Sensing ◽  
Iot Devices ◽  
Citizen Data ◽  
Analysis Platform

Increasing urbanisation and a better understanding of the negative health effects of air pollution have accelerated the use of Internet of Things (IoT)-based air quality sensors. Low-cost and low-power sensors are now readily available and commonly deployed by individuals and community groups. However, there are a wide range of such IoT devices in circulation that differently focus on problems of sensor validation, data reliability, or accessibility. In this paper, we present AirKit, which was developed as an integrated and open source “social IoT technology.” AirKit enables a comprehensive approach to citizen-sensing air quality through several integrated components: (1) the Dustbox 2.0, a particulate matter sensor; (2) Airsift, a data analysis platform; (3) a reliable and automatic remote firmware update system; (4) a “Data Stories” method and tool for communicating citizen data; and (5) an AirKit logbook that provides a guide for designing and running air quality projects, along with instructions for building and using AirKit components. Developed as a social technology toolkit to foster open processes of research co-creation and environmental action, Airkit has the potential to generate expanded engagements with IoT and air quality by improving the accuracy, legibility and use of sensors, data analysis and data communication.

“There is such a situation that Comrade Svoboda is under pressure”. The Soviet leadership and the settlement of relations with Czechoslovakia. May 1969

2019 ◽  
pp. 512-519
Author(s):  
Teymur Dzhalilov ◽  
Nikita Pivovarov
Keyword(s):  
Central Committee ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Soviet Government ◽  
Soviet Leadership ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
The Common

The published document is a part of the working record of The Secretariat of the CPSU Central Committee on May 5, 1969. The employees of The Common Department of the CPSU Central Committee started writing such working records from the end of 1965. In contrast to the protocols, the working notes include speeches of the secretaries of the Central Committee, that allow to deeper analyze the reactions of the top party leadership, to understand their position regarding the political agenda. The peculiarity of the published document is that the Secretariat of the Central Committee did not deal with the most important foreign policy issues. It was the responsibility of the Politburo. However, it was at a meeting of the Secretariat of the Central Committee when Brezhnev raised the question of inviting G. Husák to Moscow. The latter replaced A. Dubček as the first Secretary of the Communist party of Czechoslovakia in April 1969. As follows from the document, Leonid Brezhnev tried to solve this issue at a meeting of the Politburo, but failed. However, even at the Secretariat of the Central Committee the Leonid Brezhnev’s initiative at the invitation of G. Husák was not supported. The published document reveals to us not only new facets in the mechanisms of decision-making in the CPSU Central Committee, the role of the Secretary General in this process, but also reflects the acute discussions within the Soviet government about the future of the world socialist systems.

La política migratoria de Ecuador hacia Colombia Entre la integración y la “contención“

2011 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 45-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcela Ceballos Medina
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Forced Migration ◽  
Two Dimensions ◽  
Politique Publique ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
South American ◽  
Internal Armed Conflict ◽  
Normative Framework ◽  
South American Region

This article examines Ecuadoran policy toward the forced migration of Colombians to Ecuador. It identifies the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy, including asylum, for the period 1996-2008. To do this, the author examines two dimensions of immigration policy: the normative framework and political practices (implementation of the normative framework). The article tries to answer the following questions: What are the main changes in Ecuadoran immigration policy toward Colombian forced migration? How can we explain those changes? The author suggests that the policy oscillates between regional or binational integration and border contention. The variables that explain those changes are: (1) the magnitude of Colombian migration; (2) the transnational dynamics of the internal armed conflict along the Colombia-Ecuador border and the political context in Ecuador; and (3) the international relations of Colombia and Ecuador and the political agenda of the South American region.Spanish El propósito del artículo es examinar la respuesta del Estado ecuatoriano a las migraciones forzadas de colombianos hacia ese país, identificando los principales cambios en la política de inmigración (incluida la política de asilo y refugio) de Ecuador durante el periodo 1996- 2008. Para ello, se observan dos dimensiones de la política migratoria ecuatoriana: 1) el marco normativo y 2) las prácticas políticas para la implementación de las normas. La autora se propone responder a las preguntas ¿Cuáles son los principales cambios en la política migratoria del Estado ecuatoriano hacia las migraciones colombianas? ¿Cómo se explican esos cambios? Concluye que la política migratoria de Ecuador hacia las migraciones colombianas oscila entre una posición integracionista y abierta a la inmigración y una política de cierre de fronteras y contención del conflicto armado dentro del territorio colombiano. Las variables que explican dichos cambios son: 1) el creciente flujo de migrantes colombianos hacia Ecuador, 2) las dinámicas transnacionales del conflicto armado colombiano en la frontera y el contexto político al interior del Ecuador, y 3) las relaciones político-diplomáticas entre los dos países y la agenda política en la región suramericana.French Cet article examine la politique de l'Équateur concernant l'immigration forcée de Colombiens vers ce pays. Il identifie les changements principaux effectués dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne (en incluant la politique publique d'asile) pour la période 1996-2008. Dans ce but, l'auteur examine deux dimensions de la politique publique d'immigration : 1) le cadre normatif, et 2) les pratiques politiques (la mise en œuvre du cadre normatif). L'auteur souhaite répondre aux questions suivantes : quels sont les changements principaux dans la politique d'immigration équatorienne concernant les migrations colombiennes forcées ? Comment pouvons-nous expliquer ces changements ? L'hypothèse est que la politique d'immigration de l'Équateur oscille entre l'intégration régionale ou binationale et le contrôle des frontières. Les variables perme ant d'expliquer ces changements sont : 1) l'ampleur des migrations colombiennes vers l'Équateur ; 2) les dynamiques transnationales du conflit armé interne au niveau de la frontière colombo-équatorienne et le contexte politique en Équateur ; et 3) les relations internationales entre la Colombie et l'Équateur ainsi que l'agenda politique de la région sud-américaine.

YOUTH POLICY IN MODERN RUSSIA. ABSENTEEISM AND POLITICAL PROTEST

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G.I. AVTSINOVA ◽  
М.А. BURDA
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Protest ◽  
Youth Organizations ◽  
Youth Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
Russian Politics ◽  
High Level

The article analyzes the features of the current youth policy of the Russian Federation aimed at raising the political culture. Despite the current activities of the government institutions in the field under study, absenteeism, as well as the protest potential of the young people, remains at a fairly high level. In this regard, the government acknowledged the importance of forming a positive image of the state power in the eyes of young people and strengthen its influence in the sphere of forming loyal associations, which is not always positively perceived among the youth. The work focuses on the fact that raising the loyalty of youth organizations is one of the factors of political stability, both in case of internal turbulence and external influence. The authors also focus on the beneficiaries of youth protests. The authors paid special attention to the issue of forming political leadership among the youth and the absence of leaders expressing the opinions of young people in modern Russian politics. At the same time, youth protest as a social phenomenon lack class and in some cases ideological differences. The authors come to the conclusion that despite the steps taken by the government and political parties to involve Russian youth in the political agenda, the young people reject leaders of youth opinion imposed by the authorities, either cultivating nonparticipation in the electoral campagines or demonstrating latent protest voting.

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