From Barbara to Bia: Art, policy and science dialoguing with rights and health of lesbians in Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (Supplement_5) ◽  
Author(s):  
M G Lima ◽  
C Sandroni ◽  
L P B Medina

Abstract Issue Discrimination and homophobia are latent and can affect health. Chico Buarque composed at least three songs about lesbian love: Barbara (with Ruy Guerra - 1972), Sea and Moon (1980) and Blues for Bia (2017). Problem Beginning with the view that art can manifest itself as narrative, this paper analyzes the alignment of the content of the three songs mentioned above with Brazilian policies ensuring LGBT rights and the trend of studies on lesbian health in Brazil from 1970 to 2019. The results can assist the promotion of discussions in other places. We performed 1) a search of governmental policies aimed at protecting the rights of the LGBT population; 2) a systematic search for studies on lesbian health in PUBMED; 3) a musical analysis of the songs. Results The 1970s was marked by a military government when the love addressed in the song 'Barbara' was closeted and sad. The song (composed in a minor tone) uses half-step intervals, generating melancholy feelings. In the 1980s, still under a dictatorial government, several social movements initiated a militant stance for the LGBT movement and the song “Sea and Moon” addressed the suicide of a lesbian couple. We found no government actions in this period or studies conducted in Brazil in the PUBMED database up to 1998. Government policies emerged in the 2000s, especially through the program entitled 'Brazil without Homophobia' in 2004. Other policies followed and intensified in the 2010s. The number of studies increased from seven up to the year 2009 to 105 from 2010 onward. “Blues for Bia” addresses sexual freedom with lightheartedness. Lessons The increase in policies for the rights of the LGBT population was aligned with a trend in studies on lesbian health and with the three songs analyzed. Songs began with sad, negative tones until finally arriving at issues of autonomy and freedom, suggesting the importance of the maintenance of these actions that can alleviate problems related to LGBT rights and health. Key messages Policies for LGBT rights and studies on lesbian health have increased in Brazil since 2000s, especially after 2010. The tone of the songs studied changed from pain to lightness, in line with increase of the research and policies, emphasizing the importance of such actions.

Author(s):  
Ryan Thoreson

As lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) advocates around the globe have fought to gain rights and recognition, their shared endeavors and coordinated activism have given rise to an international LGBT movement. Over the past century, advocates around the world have recognized common aims and collaborated in formal and informal ways to advance the broader cause of sexual equality worldwide. Advocates in different contexts have often connected their struggles, borrowing concepts and strategies from one another and campaigning together in regional and international forums. In doing so, they have pressed for goals as diverse as the decriminalization of sexual activity; recognition of same-sex partnerships and rainbow families; bodily autonomy and recognition for transgender and intersex people; nondiscrimination protections; and acceptance by families, faith communities, and the public at large. At times, the international LGBT movement—or, to be more accurate, LGBT movements—have used tactics as diverse as public education, lobbying and legislative campaigns, litigation, and direct action to achieve their aims. The result has been a gradual shift toward recognizing LGBT rights globally, with these rights gaining traction in formal law and policy as well as in public opinion and the agendas of activists working for human rights and social justice. The movement’s aims have also broadened, being attentive to new issues and drawing common cause with other campaigns for bodily autonomy and equal rights. At the same time, gains have triggered ferocious backlash, both against LGBT rights and against broader efforts to promote comprehensive sexuality education, access to abortion, the decriminalization of sex work, and other sexual rights. Understanding this advocacy requires consideration of important milestones in global LGBT organizing; how LGBT rights have been taken up as human rights by domestic, regional, and international bodies; and some of the main challenges that LGBT advocates have faced in contexts around the globe.


Author(s):  
Francis Kuriakose ◽  
Deepa Kylasam Iyer

The question of LGBT rights was first examined as part of gender and sexuality studies in the 1980s, predominantly in the United States. This was a result of the LGBT movement that had articulated the demand for equal rights and freedom of sexual and gender minorities a decade before. Since then, the examination of LGBT rights has traversed multiple theoretical and methodological approaches and breached many disciplinary frontiers. Initially, gay and lesbian studies (GLS) emerged as an approach to understand the notion of LGBT identity using historical evidence. GLS emphasized the objectives of the LGBT movement in articulating its identity as an issue of minority rights within the ambit of litigation and case law. However, the definition of LGBT identity as a homogeneous and fixed category, and the conceptualization of equality rights as the ultimate project of emancipation, was critiqued on grounds of its normative and assimilationist tendencies. Queer theory emerged in the 1990s as a counter-discourse to GLS, using the individual-centric postmodern technique of deconstruction as the method of analysis. This approach opened up scope for multiple identities within the LGBT community to articulate their positionality, and reclaim the possibilities of sexual liberation that GLS had previously obscured. Subsequent scholarship has critiqued GLS and queer theory for incomplete theorization and inadequate representation, based on four types of counter-argument. The first argument is that queer theory, with its emphasis on self as an alternative for wider social interaction, concealed constitutive macrostructures such as neoliberal capitalism, as well as the social basis of identity and power relations. The second argument highlights the incomplete theorization of bisexual and transgender identities within the LGBT community. For example, understanding bisexuality involves questioning the universalism of monosexuality and postmodern notions of linear sexuality, and acknowledging the possibility of an integrated axis of gender and sexuality. Theorization of transgender and transsexual rights requires a grounded approach incorporating new variables such as work and violence in the historiography of transgender life. The third critique comes from decolonial scholarship that argues that intersectionality of race, gender, class, caste, and nationality brings out multiple concerns of social justice that have been rendered invisible by existing theory. The fourth critique emerged from family studies and clinical psychology, that used queer theory to ask questions about definitions of all family structures outside the couple norm, including non-reproductive heterosexuality, polyamorous relationships, and non-marital sexual unions. These critiques have allowed new questions to emerge as part of LGBT rights within the existing traditions, and enabled the question of LGBT rights to be considered across new disciplinary fronts. For example, the incorporation of the “queer” variable in hitherto technical disciplines such as economics, finance, and management is a development of the early-21st-century scholarship. In particular, the introduction of LGBT rights in economics to expand human capabilities has policy implications as it widens and mainstreams access of opportunities for LGBT communities through consumption, trade, education, employment, and social benefits, thereby expanding the actualization of LGBT rights.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tina Fetner

In this article, I examine trends in attitudes toward lesbian and gaypeople over time in the United States, showing that they are changingrapidly in a positive direction. I consider the role of the LGBT movement,cultural shifts, and LGBT rights policy. This article was published in theSpring 2016 issue of *Contexts *(15: 20-27).


Author(s):  
Robert L. Fuller

General de Gaulle transformed the Free French from a minor committee in London into France’s provisional government in the face of enormous obstacles. These included President Roosevelt, who planned to impose an Allied Military Government of Occupied Territories (AMGOT) in France, replacing the German occupation and the Vichy regime with an Anglo-American occupation. This never happened because it was vigorously opposed not only by de Gaulle but also by the Allied military chief who would have been responsible for it, General Dwight D. Eisenhower. Eisenhower had faced this same dilemma in French North Africa in 1942 and had managed to avoid assuming responsibility for governing French domains. He replicated this modus vivendi in France in 1944.


Politics ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 202-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna L Muehlenhoff

The European Union (EU) praises itself for being a promoter of lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) rights in the world. It supports LGBT organisations abroad with the European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR). Yet, the EIDHR has come under scrutiny by scholars arguing that it is based on neoliberal rationalities and depoliticises civil society. The literature analyses the EU’s documents but does not study funding in practice. Moreover, it has a narrow understanding of politicisation failing to include insights from feminist and queer literature. To problematize the EU’s policy, we need to analyse it in the sites it intervenes in. It is unclear whether and how the EIDHR depoliticises LGBT organisations and issues. Studying the case of Turkey, I argue that the EU’s support of LGBT organisations had ambiguous effects which are not necessarily the ones intended by the EU nor the ones expected by the governmentality literature. The EU’s funding depoliticised the organisations in the sense that they looked less political and more transparent. Yet, this helped making LGBT rights’ claims more legitimate within Turkey’s political struggles. At the same time, EU funding created conflicts within the LGBT movement about the question of Western external funding and neoliberal co-optation.


2019 ◽  
pp. 224-242
Author(s):  
Jürgen Martschukat

The twelfth chapter discusses the transformations of the nuclear family ideal, of its gendered and heteronormative patterns in the wake of the women’s movement and the LGBT movement. At its center stand a lesbian couple and their daughters in San Francisco, supported by the gay fathers who also take responsibility in the family. The author interviewed both couples. The chapter presents their life and the politics of queer families, gay marriage, and the so-called gayby boom in relation to the powerful recent discourse on the “crisis” of the family and to the fatherhood movement, its different and often revisionist subgroups and their politics. At the same time, the chapter presents a queer family as the embodiment of a slow but persistent transformation of the hegemonic nuclear family model that has come about since the 1970s. They represent a historic change toward a greater recognition of patchwork families in general and of many different kinds of living arrangements, particularly in metropolitan centers. Yet the chapter also shows how the current politics of gay marriage and queer families oscillates between a total disintegration of the nuclear family on the one side and the reassertion of its values of love and mutual responsibility on the other side.


Author(s):  
James P. Brennan

Responsibility for waging the dirty war in Córdoba rested almost solely with the army’s Third Corps, other branches of the armed forces, unlike the case of Buenos Aires province and the federal capital, played a minor role. The military government compartmentalized the anti-subversive campaign, the Third Corps was assigned the largest and most difficult section of the country. Those conscripts performing their obligatory military service were often themselves victims of the state terrorism. Córdoba’s share of the victims of the dirty war numbered some 1100, overwhelming young and many with a recognized political activism.


1997 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-3
Author(s):  
James B. Talmage

Abstract The AMA Guides to the Evaluation of Permanent Impairment, Fourth Edition, uses the Injury Model to rate impairment in people who have experienced back injuries. Injured individuals who have not required surgery can be rated using differentiators. Challenges arise when assessing patients whose injuries have been treated surgically before the patient is rated for impairment. This article discusses five of the most common situations: 1) What is the impairment rating for an individual who has had an injury resulting in sciatica and who has been treated surgically, either with chemonucleolysis or with discectomy? 2) What is the impairment rating for an individual who has a back strain and is operated on without reasonable indications? 3) What is the impairment rating of an individual with sciatica and a foot drop (major anterior tibialis weakness) from L5 root damage? 4) What is the rating for an individual who is injured, has true radiculopathy, undergoes a discectomy, and is rated as Category III but later has another injury and, ultimately, a second disc operation? 5) What is the impairment rating for an older individual who was asymptomatic until a minor strain-type injury but subsequently has neurogenic claudication with severe surgical spinal stenosis on MRI/myelography? [Continued in the September/October 1997 The Guides Newsletter]


2018 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 9-10
Author(s):  
James Talmage ◽  
Jay Blaisdell

Abstract Pelvic fractures are relatively uncommon, and in workers’ compensation most pelvic fractures are the result of an acute, high-impact event such as a fall from a roof or an automobile collision. A person with osteoporosis may sustain a pelvic fracture from a lower-impact injury such as a minor fall. Further, major parts of the bladder, bowel, reproductive organs, nerves, and blood vessels pass through the pelvic ring, and traumatic pelvic fractures that result from a high-impact event often coincide with damaged organs, significant bleeding, and sensory and motor dysfunction. Following are the steps in the rating process: 1) assign the diagnosis and impairment class for the pelvis; 2) assign the functional history, physical examination, and clinical studies grade modifiers; and 3) apply the net adjustment formula. Because pelvic fractures are so uncommon, raters may be less familiar with the rating process for these types of injuries. The diagnosis-based methodology for rating pelvic fractures is consistent with the process used to rate other musculoskeletal impairments. Evaluators must base the rating on reliable data when the patient is at maximum medical impairment and must assess possible impairment from concomitant injuries.


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