4. The royal prerogative

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Clements
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Legal Power ◽  
The Uk

The Q&A series offers the best preparation for tackling exam questions. Each chapter includes typical questions; diagram problem and essay answer plans, suggested answers, notes of caution, tips on obtaining extra marks, the key debates on each topic and suggestions on further reading. This chapter considers the royal prerogative. The questions deal with issues such as the continued existence of prerogative power; the Queen’s formal legal power; the UK government’s exercise of royal prerogative powers; the use of the prerogative in foreign affairs; and judicial review of the prerogative. Many of the prerogative powers are now exercised by the Prime Minister in the name of the Queen.

4. The royal prerogative

2020 ◽  
pp. 51-70
Author(s):  
Richard Clements
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Legal Power ◽  
The Uk

The Q&A series offers the best preparation for tackling exam questions. Each chapter includes typical questions, diagram problem and essay answer plans, suggested answers, notes of caution, tips on obtaining extra marks, the key debates on each topic, and suggestions on further reading. This chapter considers the royal prerogative. The questions deal with issues such as the continued existence of prerogative power; the Queen’s formal legal power; the UK government’s exercise of royal prerogative powers; the use of the prerogative in foreign affairs; and judicial review of the prerogative. Many of the prerogative powers are now exercised by the Prime Minister in the name of the Queen.

4. The Royal Prerogative

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Clements
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Legal Power ◽  
The Uk

The Q&A series offers the best preparation for tackling exam questions. Each chapter includes typical questions; diagram problem and essay answer plans, suggested answers, notes of caution, tips on obtaining extra marks, the key debates on each topic and suggestions on further reading. This chapter considers the royal prerogative. The questions deal with issues such as the continued existence of prerogative power; the Queen’s formal legal power; the UK government’s exercise of royal prerogative powers; the use of the prerogative in foreign affairs; and judicial review of the prerogative. Many of the prerogative powers are now exercised by the Prime Minister in the name of the Queen.

3. The Nature of the British Constitution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Webley ◽  
Harriet Samuels
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Legal Power ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
Complete Series ◽  
Explanatory Text ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Primary Materials

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter outlines the characteristics of the UK constitution, which is not a traditional written constitution and thus is defined as an ‘unwritten’ constitution. It is not hierarchically superior to all other law in the country, which means that Acts of Parliament cannot be compared with it by judges and be declared as unconstitutional and invalid. Neither can the UK constitution be enforced against the legislature as a result, nor is it entrenched and protected, because it can always be changed by Act of Parliament. However, it can be legally enforced by the mechanism of judicial review against the executive, meaning that the executive may legally act only within its legal power. The chapter also considers the sources that make up the UK constitution and proposed constitutional reforms.

3. The Nature of the British Constitution

2021 ◽  
pp. 49-74
Author(s):  
Lisa Webley ◽  
Harriet Samuels
Keyword(s):  
Judicial Review ◽  
Legal Power ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Constitutional Reforms ◽  
Complete Series ◽  
Explanatory Text ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Primary Materials

Titles in the Complete series combine extracts from a wide range of primary materials with clear explanatory text to provide readers with a complete introductory resource. This chapter outlines the characteristics of the UK constitution, which is not a traditional written constitution and, thus, is defined as an ‘unwritten’ constitution. It is not hierarchically superior to all other law in the country, which means that Acts of Parliament cannot be compared with it by judges and be declared as unconstitutional and invalid. Neither can the UK constitution be enforced against the legislature as a result, nor is it entrenched and protected, because it can always be changed by Act of Parliament. However, it can be legally enforced by the mechanism of judicial review against the executive, meaning that the executive may legally act only within its legal power. The chapter also considers the sources that make up the UK constitution and proposed constitutional reforms.

scholarly journals Losing the Discursive Battle but Winning the Ideological War: Who Holds Thatcherite Values Now?

2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172098670
Author(s):  
Stephen Farrall ◽  
Emily Gray ◽  
Phil Mike Jones ◽  
Colin Hay
Keyword(s):  
Survey Data ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Public Attitudes ◽  
New Right ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
The Uk

In what ways, if at all, do past ideologies shape the values of subsequent generations of citizens? Are public attitudes in one period shaped by the discourses and constructions of an earlier generation of political leaders? Using Thatcherism – one variant of the political New Right of the 1980s – as the object of our enquiries, this article explores the extent to which an attitudinal legacy is detectable among the citizens of the UK some 40 years after Margaret Thatcher first became Prime Minister. Our article, drawing on survey data collected in early 2019 (n = 5781), finds that younger generations express and seemingly embrace key tenets of her and her governments’ philosophies. Yet at the same time, they are keen to describe her government’s policies as having ‘gone too far’. Our contribution throws further light on the complex and often covert character of attitudinal legacies. One reading of the data suggests that younger generations do not attribute the broadly Thatcherite values that they hold to Thatcher or Thatcherism since they were socialised politically after such values had become normalised.

Executive Turnovers in 2000

2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 329-331
Author(s):  
Masaru Kohno ◽  
Atsuko Suga
Keyword(s):  
International Trade ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Economic Planning ◽  
Secretary General ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Education Science

On April 5 2000, the Diet elected Yoshiro Mori as Japan's 55th prime minister. His predecessor, Keizo Obuchi, had suffered a stroke and became unable to carry out his official responsibility. Mori, who was the former Secretary General of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), inherited the three party coalition between the LDP, the new Komei Party and the Conservative Party, and reappointed all of Obuchi's cabinet members. Yohei Kono was reposted as the Minister of Foreign Affairs; Hideo Usui as Justice; Kiichi Miyazawa as Finance; Hirofumi Nakasone as Education, Science and Technology; Yuya Niwa as Health and Welfare; Tokuichiro Tanazawa as Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries; Takeshi Fukaya as International Trade and Industry; Toshihiro Nikai as Transport; Eita Yashiro as Posts and Telecommunications; Takamori Makino as Labor; Masaaki Nakayama as Construction; Kosuke Hori as Home Affairs, Mikio Aoki as Chief Cabinet Secretary; Kunihiro Tsuzuki as Management and Coordination; Tsutomu Kawara as Defense; Taichi Sakaiya as Economic Planning; Kayoko Shimizu as environment; and Sadakazu Tanigaki as Financial Reconstruction.

‘The true author of European Peace’: The Foreign Office, the League and Locarno, December 1924–December 1926

1995 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 263-298
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Considerable Degree ◽  
The Public ◽  
Political Risks ◽  
Foreign Office

Since his early student travels to France and Germany Chamberlain believed that he had been in training for the Foreign Office. Although he had accepted the shadow portfolio for foreign affairs on his return to the Conservative front bench in February, however, he did not consider the Foreign Office as a possibility until Baldwin first raised the question in October 1924. At this juncture, daunted by the expense, the exacting burden of work with which he was unfamiliar and the attendant political risks, Chamberlain had been inclined to prefer a return to the India Office. In the event, his wife recommended the Foreign Office and, rather uncharacteristically, he was soon confiding to his sisters that he had ‘rapidly found [his] feet’. Within a year he was rejoicing in afar greater sense of fulfilment from the Foreign Office than he could ever have expected from being Prime Minister. To a considerable degree this satisfaction was derived from the very special nature of the position enjoyed by a British Foreign Secretary. As he noted when the offer was first made, the Foreign Office ‘is the highest office in the public estimation’: a status reflected in the special pomp and dignity which surrounded its holder. As Eden later recalled, the Foreign Secretary's journey to Geneva was ‘something of an event and took place at a measured pace. The top-hatted stationmaster and the Foreign Office representatives at Victoria, the harbourmaster at Dover bowing us on to the ship, the préfect and the mayor of Calais, then the drive across Paris and dinner at the Embassy, the night train at the Gare de Lyon, where M. Briand and some other of Sir Austen's colleagues were also embarking for Geneva. Finally, the arrival at Geneva, about 7.30 in the morning, when the whole staff was paraded to meet their chief at the station’. In many respects, Chamberlain was ideally suited by character and temperament to fulfil such a role as a model British Foreign Secretary.

scholarly journals Interview with Guido Rings: “We need intercultural solidarity if we want to survive and prosper in a world hit by ultranationalism”

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 75
Author(s):  
Stephen Trinder
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
David Cameron ◽  
Far Right ◽  
High Profile ◽  
Vice Chair ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Executive Agency ◽  
The Eu

As a master’s and Ph.D. student at Anglia Ruskin University in 2011, I recall the central message in lectures given by my eventual Ph.D. supervisor Professor Guido Rings was that we cannot underestimate the enduring strength of the legacy of colonialism in Europe and its influence on shaping contemporary attitudes towards immigration. Indeed, as I was completing my studies, I became increasingly aware of the negative rhetoric towards migrants in politics and right-wing press. In an attempt to placate the far-right of his party and address a growing threat from the UK Independence Party (UKIP), a discourse of ‘othernising’ migrants on the basis of their supposed rejection of ‘Britishness’ from former UK Prime Minister David Cameron in particular caught my attention. The result of this was tightening of immigration regulations, which culminated of course in the now-infamous Brexit vote of 2016. Almost a decade after my graduation, Professor Rings is currently Vice Chair for the Research Executive Agency of the European Commission and continues to work at Anglia Ruskin University at the level of Ph.D. supervisor. He still publishes widely in the field of Migration Studies and his recent high-profile book The Other in Contemporary Migrant Cinema (Routledge, 2016) and editorships in the fields of culture and identity (iMex Interdisciplinario Mexico) argue for increased intercultural solidarity in Europe as well as a strengthening of supranational organizations like the EU and the UN to offset growing nationalism. I got in touch with Professor Rings to find out where he feels Europe stands today with regard to migration and get his comments on the continued rise of nationalism on the continent.

Arab League

1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-620
Keyword(s):  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The Political ◽  
Collective Security ◽  
Military Alliance ◽  
The Press ◽  
Arab League ◽  
Syrian Conflict

On May 14, 1951 meetings were held of the Council and Political Committee of the Arab League in Damascus. Press reports indicated that the meeting of the Political Committee concerned the question of whether or not the Arab states should put into effect a real military alliance. On the same day the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies had discussed the ratification of the Arab collective security pact. Egypt had been the originator of the pact which although initialled by six of the seven Arab nations had only been ratified by Saudi-Arabia. The press deduced from these reports that Syria wanted to know where it stood in case the Israeli-Syrian conflict became more serious. Iraq had already offered any support Syria asked for and sent some military detachments and an anti-aircraft unit through Syrian territory to the Israeli border. The Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel (Sharett), however, in an address to the Knesset Parliament in Jerusalem, warned the Political Committee that Israel was firmly resolved to defend every inch of her territory against encroachment or domination by Syria.

Interview with Janez Lenarčič

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-12
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
International Law ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Treaty Negotiations ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
State Position ◽  
Council Presidency

Janez Lenarčič is currently serving as Commissioner for Crisis Management in the European Commission, a mandate he took up in December 2019. In this capacity, he is responsible for EU civil protection as well as humanitarian aid. Mr Lenarčič served as Ambassador and Permanent Representative of Slovenia to the European Union (EU) in Brussels from 2016 to 2019. From 2014 to 2016, he held the Secretary of State position in the cabinet of the Slovenian Prime Minister. His previous experience also includes the position of Director of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's (OSCE) Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights, in Warsaw, from 2008 to 2014. He has also served as Secretary of State for European Affairs, including representing Slovenia during the Lisbon Treaty negotiations in 2007 and later representing the Slovenian EU Council Presidency to the European Parliament in 2008. In 2002 and 2003 he held the position of State Secretary in the cabinet of the Slovenian Prime Minister, after which he served as Slovenian Ambassador to the OSCE. In 2005, he was also Chairman of the Permanent Council of the OSCE in Vienna. In 2000 he served as Adviser to the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and the following year he became the Diplomatic Adviser to the then Slovenian Prime Minister. Between 1994 and 1999 he was posted to Slovenia's Permanent Representation to the United Nations (UN) in New York, where he also served as the alternate representative of Slovenia on the UN Security Council. Mr Lenarčič holds a degree in international law from Ljubljana University.

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