15. European parties:

2021 ◽  
pp. 348-368
Author(s):  
Tapio Raunio
Keyword(s):  
Coalition Formation ◽  
Party System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
European Level ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Commission President ◽  
The One ◽  
Political Groups

The party system of the European Parliament (EP) has been dominated by the two main European party families: centre-right conservatives and Christian democrats, on the one hand, and centre-left social democrats on the other, which controlled the majority of the seats until the 2019 elections. In the early 1950s, members of the European Parliament (MEPs) decided to form party-political groups, instead of national blocs, to counterbalance the dominance of national interests in the Council. Over the decades, the shape of the EP party system has become more stable, and traditional levels of group cohesion and coalition formation have not really been affected by the rise of populism and the increasing politicization of European integration. National parties remain influential within party groups, not least through their control of candidate selection. Outside of the Parliament, Europarties—parties operating at the European level—influence both the broader development of integration and the choice of the Commission president.

scholarly journals 15. European parties: A powerful caucus in the European Parliament and beyond

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tapio Raunio
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
European Council ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Coalition Politics ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Commission President ◽  
State Of Research ◽  
Political Groups

This chapter examines the party system of the European Parliament (EP). In the early 1950s, members of the EP decided to form party-political groups instead of national blocs to counterbalance the dominance of national interests in the European Council. Since then, the party groups have gradually, but consistently, consolidated their positions in the EP. The chapter first considers the shape of the EP party system, the structure of the party groups, and the role of national parties within them. It then looks at the Spitzenkandidaten (lead candidates) initiative, whereby the Europarties put forward their own candidates for the Commission President in the 2014 elections. It also discusses coalition politics and parliamentary committees as well as electoral accountability in the EP and concludes with an overview of the state of research on the EP party system, emphasizing the need to understand how coalitions are formed in the committees and the plenary.

scholarly journals Revisiting the Debate on Constructing a Theory of International Relations with Chinese Characteristics

2015 ◽  
Vol 222 ◽  
pp. 430-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nele Noesselt
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Party System ◽  
International Politics ◽  
Academic Community ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Philosophical Foundations ◽  
Chinese Characteristics ◽  
Global Status ◽  
The One ◽  
Theory Framework

AbstractAfter decades of policy learning and adoption of “Western” theories of international politics, the Chinese academic community has (re-)turned to the construction of a “Chinese” theory framework. This article examines the recent academic debates on theory with “Chinese characteristics” and sheds light on their historical and philosophical foundations. It argues that the search for a “Chinese” paradigm of international relations theory is part of China's quest for national identity and global status. As can be concluded from the analysis of these debates, “Chinese” theories of international politics are expected to fulfil two general functions – to safeguard China's national interests and to legitimize the one-party system.

The Spanish Electoral System

2020 ◽  
pp. 388-409
Author(s):  
Agustí Bosch
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
The Other ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
Lower House ◽  
System P ◽  
The Future ◽  
The One

This chapter examines the Spanish electoral system, meaning—first and foremost—the one used to elect the lower house (Congreso de los Diputados). After a brief description of its components, the chapter assesses how its scarce proportionality has traditionally led Spanish politics towards a two-party system. The chapter also assesses some other of its alleged outcomes (such as the malapportionment, the weight of the regional parties, or the robustness of democracy) and its prospects for the future. Finally, the chapter also examines the ‘other’ Spanish electoral systems—that is, the ones used to elect the Senate, the local councils, the regional parliaments, and the Spanish seats in the European Parliament.

scholarly journals Das Scheitern des Spitzenkandidatensystems und andere populäre Irrtümer über die Demokratisierung der Europäischen Union

2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 870-879
Author(s):  
Frank Decker
Keyword(s):  
Electoral System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
European Parties ◽  
Commission President ◽  
European Election ◽  
Democratic Principles ◽  
Selection Of ◽  
The Eu

After the 2019 European election, national political actors and party officials in both the European Parliament as well as in the Council once again clashed over the selection of the Commission’s President, a controversy that also received widespread public attention . Disagreements centered on the so-called Spitzenkandidaten - top candidate - system that - contrary to its premiere in 2014 - failed to be implemented . The manner in which this system functions is frequently misunderstood by both political actors and observers . One example is that the appointment process is interpreted through the lens of parliamentary democracy, another is that the overrepresentation of smaller member states within the European Parliament is depicted as a serious violation of democratic principles . Potential starting points for a thorough democratization of the EU, such as the direct election of the Commission President, a common electoral system with joint European parties, and a greater say by voters and the President of the Commission regarding the appointment of commissioners are also discussed . [ZParl, vol . 50 (2019), no . 4, pp . 870 - 879]

scholarly journals European Affiliations or National Interests? Analyses of Voting Patterns on Trade Policy in European Parliament

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 19-48
Author(s):  
Yoo-Duk Kang
Keyword(s):  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Empirical Test ◽  
Probit Model ◽  
Trade Agreements ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Political Affiliation ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Members Of European Parliament ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Country Specific

Abstract This article examines the determinants of voting patterns within the European Parliament for EU trade legislations including EU trade agreements. Given that trade is a very sensitive issue for particular Member States, our question is to verify whether members of European Parliament (MEP) tend to vote in line with their political affiliation or national identity prevails in voting for trade-related issues. Our results from EU trade agreements with Korea and Columbia/Peru show that MEPs tend to vote with others in their political groups in trade legislations and their voting pattern is not very different from the overall voting pattern observed in other policy areas. This trend is confirmed by both the comparison of intra-voting cohesion index and the empirical test based on the probit model. Country-specific variables do not explain well the voting behavior of MEPs in trade issues. However, it is noteworthy that some MEPs voted in line with their national interests in case of EU-Korea FTA.

Public Opinion and Political Parties in France

1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 1069-1078 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maurice Duverger
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Third Republic ◽  
Political Life ◽  
French Politics ◽  
National Assembly ◽  
Fourth Republic ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Groups

To any observer the French party system is bewildering. On the one hand, he sees that ten parliamentary groups are officially established in the National Assembly (not including the Overseas Independents); and, at the same time, he notes that only five of them are really organized throughout the country, and so entitled to be considered “parties” in the true sense of the word: the RPF, the Radicals, the MRP, the Socialists, and the Communists. On the other hand, he observes that the ablest French specialists in electoral sociology—particularly André Siegfried and his disciple, François Goguel—consider that, behind the apparent profusion of political groups, two basic divisions are always found, the continuing opposition of which has supplied for more than a century the essential dynamics of French politics. These two divisions are, of course, the Right and the Left, traditionally called “Order” and “Movement.” Nevertheless, the brief history of the Fourth Republic reveals an attempt to break down these two blocs, and to build a “Third Force” from smaller units. Under various names, such a Third Force has governed France from March, 1947, to March, 1952; and if our hypothetical observer will look back and analyze the political life of the Third Republic, he will find the same tendency there, not so marked and not so strong, but always present.

scholarly journals Representation of Lithuanian Citizens in the European Parliament: Between European and National Interests

Politologija ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 98 (2) ◽  
pp. 69-106
Author(s):  
Sima Rakutienė ◽  
Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė
Keyword(s):  
European Parliament ◽  
Opinion Poll ◽  
Public Opinion Poll ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Conflict Of Interests ◽  
Semistructured Interviews ◽  
Representation Of Interests ◽  
Political Groups ◽  
Ruling Party

The article analyzes the problem of conflict of European and national interests in the activities of a Member of the European Parliament (MEP). The study seeks answers to the following questions: what factors impact the decision and voting of EP members, elected in Lithuania, in the plenary sessions in the cases of collision of interests, and to what extent the interests of the electorate, national parties, or European political groups are important to MEPs elected in Lithuania. To achieve the goal, first, a review of the scientific literature on the representation of interests in the European Parliament, the issues of conflict of interests is carried out. Next, the theoretical model of the “two-level game,” which is applied in the analysis of an MEP’s activities, is discussed. In the second part of the article, a Lithuanian case study is carried out, analyzing the data of semistructured interviews with MEPs, results of public opinion poll of the Lithuanian population, and other quantitative data. The results show that MEPs elected in Lithuania, like the MEPs elected in other countries, face the problem of a conflict of interests. The inquiry also revealed that an MEP’s decision on how to vote in an EP plenary session depends not only on whether they are a member of the opposition or the ruling party, but also on their personal preferences.

scholarly journals Political and Party System of Germany after Elections to the Bundestag (2014-2015)

2015 ◽  
pp. 108-117
Author(s):  
E. P. Timoshenkova
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Party System ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
New Right ◽  
Sociological Study ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
European Elections ◽  
Big City ◽  
Political Party System

Analyzed in the article is German political party system after the 2013 Bundestag elections. The author studies results of the 2015 elections to the European Parliament and of2014-2015 elections to German federal legislative bodies. European elections are known to be the voters' second priority; but what role do they play for German citizens? The author reveals the voters' motives for taking part in elections and making corresponding decisions, which allows to describe the key patterns and trends of development of elections to the European Parliament. Special attention is paid to the role of smaller parties and assessment of FDP's possible retirement from the German federal political stage. Success of the new right-wing populist party «Alternative for Germany», which succeeded in getting seats not only in the European Parliament, but also in all legislative bodies in German lands where elections took place, makes one consider its prospects and consequences of its emergence for the German political party system. Since its best results were achieved in the East of the country, the article offers thorough analysis of the voters' behavior in so-called new lands. Elections in Hamburg and Bremen have always had special features. People in these lands are more eager to support social democrats, which was proved by the 2015 elections. Could the «choice of the big city» be considered to follow its own logic, and does the CDU have a chance to break this tradition? Attempting to answer with this question, the author turns to the results of a sociological study of the Adenauer Fund, which support the statement that it is the candidate's personality and not the party itself that plays decisive role in the party's victory. In conclusion, the author gives her own interpretation of features of the modern German political party system and a forecast of its future development.

scholarly journals The Role of the European Socialists in the EU Political System

2021 ◽  
Vol 103 (3) ◽  
pp. 83-93
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
European Commission ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
European Council ◽  
European Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The article explores the formation of a single European socio-political space and the evolution of the institution of pan-European political parties (Europarties). It is shown that the growth of practical and scientific interest to the European parties was associated with the gradual strengthening of the role and influence of this relatively new institution in the political system of the EU. The authors identified new trends in the development of the institute of European parties. On the one hand, the confrontation between the supporters of European integration (Eurooptimists) and their opponents (Eurosceptics) has intensified. On the other hand, the format of relations between individual European parties (in particular, the Party of European Socialists, which traditionally supports the expansion of ties between governments and society) with European civil society and key political institutions of the EU (the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament) is gradually changing. Based on the analysis of materials related to the activities of the Party of European Socialists (PES) in the last two years, it is shown that this party has managed to create specific tools and mechanisms to strengthen its ties with civil activists (the so-called PES networks on various issues), national member parties, to involve representatives of this party in its work in the European Council, the European Commission and the European Parliament.

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