War and order: rethinking criminal accountability for the Iraq War

Author(s):  
Kate Grady

Abstract Public calls for the criminal accountability of UK and US politicians for the 2003 Iraq war are part of the war’s legal legacies. This article questions whether criminal sanction can be a corrective to war by considering whether the relationship between the two might be understood as symbiotic.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-448
Author(s):  
Cláudio Júnior Damin

O artigo aborda a relação existente entre guerra e opinião pública nos Estados Unidos. O artigo foca na análise do caso da Guerra do Iraque iniciada em março de 2003 durante os mandatos de George W. Bush. Esse conflito insere-se no contexto dos ataques terroristas de 11 de setembro de 2001, sendo parte constitutiva da chamada “guerra global contra o terrorismo”. A primeira hipótese de trabalho é a de que inicialmente e reproduzindo padrões históricos anteriores, a guerra foi amplamente aprovada pela população norte-americana, processo que se prolongou por alguns meses e influenciou decisivamente para a reeleição do presidente republicano em 2004. Como segunda hipótese assevera-se que, passado algum tempo, o humor da opinião pública sofreu uma inflexão, diminuindo a aprovação popular à guerra e tendo como importante desdobramento a derrota dos republicanos na eleição de 2008, com o conflito ainda em curso. Espera-se mostrar, portanto, como a Guerra do Iraque pode ser dividida em duas fases distintas, sendo a primeira de bônus para o governo de George W. Bush e seus correligionários republicanos e a outra de ônus a partir do crescimento do número de baixas militares norte-americanas e da crise de credibilidade do governo no que concerne às perspectivas de vitória definitiva no conflito.Abstract: The article discusses the relationship between war and public opinion in the United States. The article focuses on the analysis of the case of the Iraq War that began in March 2003 during the administration of George W. Bush. This conflict is within the context of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, being a constituent part of the "Global War on Terrorism." The first hypothesis is that initially and reproducing previous historical standards, the war was widely approved by the American population, a process that was prolonged for a few months and influenced decisively to the re-election of Republican president in 2004. As a second hypothesis asserts that, after some time, the mood of public opinion has undergone a shift, reducing the public approval of the war and with the important effect the defeat of the Republicans in the 2008 election. It is expected, therefore, to show how the Iraq War can be divided into two distinct phases, with the first bonus for the George W. Bush and his fellow Republicans and other liens being from the growing number of U.S. military casualties and the crisis of credibility of the government with regard to the prospects of ultimate victory in the conflict.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 179-203 ◽  
Author(s):  
Safia Swimelar

This article investigates the practice of post 9/11 US image warfare through an analysis of three sets of enemy capture and killing: Uday and Qusay Hussein, Saddam Hussein, and Osama bin Laden. Specifically, the article examines these images in terms of their potential to support, complicate, and/or undermine the strategic narratives of the Bush and Obama administrations as they relate to the Iraq War and the killing of Osama bin Laden, respectively. Today’s new media ecology complicates the relationship between images and strategic narratives. The analysis finds that the capture and death images of the Hussein family primarily served to reinforce the Bush administration strategic system narratives of American dominance and hegemony, the illegitimacy and oppression of the Hussein regime, and of ‘justice’; however, the images can also be interpreted as complicating and potentially undermining these same narratives. The absence of Osama bin Laden death images supported the Obama administration’s counter strategic narratives that focused more on an American identity of restraint and rule of law. The ‘situation room’ photo that became the representative image of the Bin Laden killing also reinforced given strategic narratives by providing a more innocuous and legitimate way, albeit still violent, to communicate a story of American military power and justice.


2008 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Denise Mackay ◽  
Margie Comrie

War correspondents, long the object of popular fascination, have been the focus of academic study since Phillip Knightley published The First Casualty in 1976. While New Zealand journalists did not cover the second Iraq War in 2003, the furore over the US practice of ‘embedding’ journalists was felt in New Zealand. Drawing on in-depth interviews with seven seasoned defence reporters, this article examines the relationship between the New Zealand Army and journalists during times of conflict.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-134
Author(s):  
Parisa Hashemizadeh ◽  
Reza Shekarriz-Foumani ◽  
Mahtab Niroomand

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 205316801773264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Spagat ◽  
Stijn van Weezel

Hagopian et al. (2013) published a headline-grabbing estimate for the Iraq war of half a million excess deaths, i.e. deaths that would not have happened without the war. We reanalyse the data from the University Collaborative Iraq Mortality Study and refute their dramatic claim. The Hagopian et al. (2013) estimate has four main defects: i) most importantly, it conflates non-violent deaths with violent ones; ii) it fails to account for the stratified sampling design of the UCIMS; iii) it fully includes all reported deaths regardless of death certificate backing, even when respondents say they have a death certificate but cannot produce one when prompted; iv) it adds approximately 100,000 speculative deaths not supported by data. Thus, we reject the 500,000 estimate. Indeed, we find that the UCIMS data cannot even support a claim that the number of non-violent excess deaths in the Iraq war has been greater than zero. We recommend future research to follow our methodological lead in two main directions; supplement traditional excess death estimates with excess death estimates for non-violent deaths alone, and use differences-in-differences estimates to uncover the relationship between violence and non-violent death rates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-58
Author(s):  
Mateusz Marecki

W.H. Auden’s In Memoriam W.B. Yeats and A. Ostriker’s Elegy Before the War are two pre-war elegies, in which personal and political dimensions are juxtaposed. W.H. Auden’s poem portrays the death of a celebrity against the background of the perplexing 1930s when there was evident growing anxiety about Facism and its repercussions. In her long, 7-section work, A. Ostriker not only commemorates her dead mother, she also formulates a very powerfully articulated anti-war manifesto, in which she both denounces American imperialism during the 2nd Iraq war and questions the meaning of war and violence. W.H. Auden’s elegy serves as a starting point for a debate A. Ostriker sparks over the role of poetry and its relationship with politics. When analysed together with the author’s essays on poetry, their other famous poems and their post-war elegies (The Shield of Achilles and TheEight and Thirteenth), the two poems taken under examination display that the poets’ stance concerning the role of poetry is neither explicit nor consistent. It is interesting also how the debate can be perceived in the context of a dilemma signaled in A. Ostriker’s Poem Sixty Years After Auschwitz where the poet deliberates over what should be the appropriate shape and tone of poetry after the Holocaust.


1991 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-21
Author(s):  
Zhai Shengde

An increasing number of social scientists and scholars in the humanities have become interested in the intrinsic conflict between emotion and reason that has noticeably shaped recent history. The effects of uncontrolled emotion often are far greater than those of the moderating force of reason, as illustrated by the Sino-Soviet polemics of the 1960s, ten years of chaos during China's Cultural Revolution (which was like a modern God-making movement), and eight years of the Iran-Iraq war. The response to Salman Rushdie's book Satanic Verses is a new case in point; it shows that the use of reason, which sprouted from ancient society and was consciously developed in modern Europe, has not really triumphed over emotion. Thus, we must begin now to make better use of reason to examine the relationship between reason itself and emotion. The purpose of this discussion is to promote the development of both reason and emotion to better serve humanity by bringing to light the emotional basis of human reason and the rational basis of human emotion.


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