Buddhism in Latin America

Buddhism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frank Usarski

The study of Buddhism in Latin America, which had been lacking in other Western countries, has improved considerably in the last two decades. The main reason for the initial lack of attention is the numerically modest presence of Buddhists in the region. Buddhists are greatly outnumbered by members of the Catholic church and evangelical denominations, and there is a disproportionate focus by Latin American scholars who privilege topics related to Catholicism and Pentecostalism and tend to dismiss “marginal” religions including Buddhism. Furthermore, European and North American scholars of religion are often less interested in issues related to Latin America. The present bibliography reflects this lack of attention. Due to the relatively small circle of researchers interested in the field, some authors appear more than once in the listed references. Since the topic of Buddhism in Latin America is not very popular, publishing companies are not very keen to bring such scholarship to the market. To compensate for this omission, the reader of this bibliography will find, in addition to monographs, collected works, chapters, and journal articles. a number of relevant academic theses. This variety of publication formats should not distract from the central fact that not all aspects of the issue are equaly represented by the existing literature. Some Latin American countries, as well as specific Buddhist traditions and schools, are overrepresented. While there are many publications regarding Buddhism in Brazil and—to a lesser extent—in Argentina and Mexico, available material regarding other countries is scarce. The same is true for transnational and regional studies. Among the Buddhist schools, Soka Gakkai has received the greatest attention. Zen and Tibetan Buddhism have also been studied in some detail, more so than other branches. Under these conditions, this bibliography is organized according to the main thematical focuses of the selected publications. Besides overviews of the research on Buddhism in Latin America mentioned in the the opening section, Research on Buddhism in Latin America, the sources are categorized under the primary headings Historically Orientated Studies, Geographically Orientated Studies, and Systematically Orientated Studies. In several cases, the association of a publication to one of these categorizations may be ambiguous. To add an essay about Soka Gakkai in Argentina in the first decades after its appearance under Systematically Orientated Studies, for example, is arbitrary and demands from a reader, particularly one who is interested in one specific category, to be alert for complementary suggestions in other parts of the bibliography.

Author(s):  
Jason García Portilla

AbstractThis chapter presents a brief comparative summary overview of the four cases.In Switzerland, most conservative Catholics escaped modernisation and centralism by relocating to the mountains, while Liberals and Protestants mostly remained in flat areas that became industrialised (Obinger, 2009). The federal government has been mainly liberal (anti-clerical) and close to Protestantism. Likewise, the Protestant population was in the majority until the 1970s. Currently, the Protestant cantons are the most competitive, while the mountainous Roman Catholic cantons are the least competitive.Uruguay exhibits the highest levels of social progress in Latin America (Sect. 10.1007/978-3-030-78498-0_4#Sec2) as well as high safety. Along with Chile, it is the only country in Latin America with low perceptions of corruption. Further, Uruguay is by far Latin America’s most secular country with the lowest religiosity and lowest proportion of Roman Catholics on the continent. The Roman Catholic Church-State did not significantly establish itself in Uruguay, unlike in most Latin American countries. After gaining independence in 1828, Uruguay continued a secular direction with the recognition of civil unions in 1837. In 1917, the Uruguayan constitution completely separated church and state.Cuba ranks in the middle of world distribution on the transparency index. Compared to the cases studied (Europe and the Americas), the countries clustering with Cuba exhibit moderate to high corruption due to their Socialist Legal Origin.Colombia is one of the most inequitable and dangerous countries in the world. A “Catholic and conservative hegemony” has existed in Colombia until 1991, when the Constitution of Rights was promulgated and religious pluralism became legally recognised. However, as a result of centuries of hegemony, the Roman Catholic Church-State still enjoys ample privileges with the Colombian state.


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jorge J. Llibre-Guerra ◽  
Maria Isabel Behrens ◽  
Mirna Lie Hosogi ◽  
Lucia Montero ◽  
Teresa Torralva ◽  
...  

Introduction: The historical development, frequency, and impact of frontotemporal dementia (FTD) are less clear in Latin America than in high-income countries. Although there is a growing number of dementia studies in Latin America, little is known collectively about FTD prevalence studies by country, clinical heterogeneity, risk factors, and genetics in Latin American countries.Methods: A systematic review was completed, aimed at identifying the frequency, clinical heterogeneity, and genetics studies of FTD in Latin American populations. The search strategies used a combination of standardized terms for FTD and related disorders. In addition, at least one author per Latin American country summarized the available literature. Collaborative or regional studies were reviewed during consensus meetings.Results: The first FTD reports published in Latin America were mostly case reports. The last two decades marked a substantial increase in the number of FTD research in Latin American countries. Brazil (165), Argentina (84), Colombia (26), and Chile (23) are the countries with the larger numbers of FTD published studies. Most of the research has focused on clinical and neuropsychological features (n = 247), including the local adaptation of neuropsychological and behavioral assessment batteries. However, there are little to no large studies on prevalence (n = 4), biomarkers (n = 9), or neuropathology (n = 3) of FTD.Conclusions: Future FTD studies will be required in Latin America, albeit with a greater emphasis on clinical diagnosis, genetics, biomarkers, and neuropathological studies. Regional and country-level efforts should seek better estimations of the prevalence, incidence, and economic impact of FTD syndromes.


Author(s):  
Javier Cifuentes-Faura

The pandemic caused by COVID-19 has left millions infected and dead around the world, with Latin America being one of the most affected areas. In this work, we have sought to determine, by means of a multiple regression analysis and a study of correlations, the influence of population density, life expectancy, and proportion of the population in vulnerable employment, together with GDP per capita, on the mortality rate due to COVID-19 in Latin American countries. The results indicated that countries with higher population density had lower numbers of deaths. Population in vulnerable employment and GDP showed a positive influence, while life expectancy did not appear to significantly affect the number of COVID-19 deaths. In addition, the influence of these variables on the number of confirmed cases of COVID-19 was analyzed. It can be concluded that the lack of resources can be a major burden for the vulnerable population in combating COVID-19 and that population density can ensure better designed institutions and quality infrastructure to achieve social distancing and, together with effective measures, lower death rates.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nubia Muñoz

It is too early to know which will be the final death toll from the Covid-19 or SARS-CoV-2 virus epidemy in Latin America since the epidemy is still active and we will not know when it will end. The curve for new infections and deaths has not reached yet a peak (Figure 1). In addition, we know little about the epidemiology of this new virus. The daily litany of the number of people infected with the number of admissions to hospitals and intensive care units and the number of deaths guides health authorities to plan health services and politicians to gauge the degree of confinement necessary to control the transmission of the virus, but it says little about the magnitude of the problem if we do not relate it to the population at risk. At the end of the pandemic, we will be able to estimate age-standardized death rates for the different countries, but until then the crude death rates will provide a first glance or snapshot of the death toll and impact of the pandemic from March to May 2020. These rates are well below those estimated in other countries in Europe and North America: Belgium (82.6), Spain (58.0), the United Kingdom (57.5), Italy (55.0), France (42.9), Sweden (41.4), and the US (30.7). (Johns Hopkins CSSE, May 30, 2020). However, in the European countries and the US the number of deaths has reached a peak, while this is not the case in Latin American countries. (Figure 1). It should be taken into account that the above rates are crude and therefore, some of the differences could be due to the fact that European countries have a larger proportion of the population over 70 years of age in whom higher mortality rates have been reported.


1962 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-120 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pedro C. M. Teichert

The Cuban revolution has profoundly shaken the economic and political foundation traditional in most of the 20 Latin American republics. The demand by the rest of Latin America for Cuban type reforms has also required a reappraisal of U. S.-Latin American relations, which with the breaking off of diplomatic intercourse between Cuba and the U. S., January 4, 1961, have reached their lowest point since the initiation in the mid 1930's of the Good Neighbor Policy by President Roosevelt. Furthermore, the spread of the Cuban revolution, with its ideals and aspirations for the fulfilment of the age-old political, social, and economic aspirations of the downtrodden masses, is now an imminent threat for the remaining undemocratic Latin American governments. There is no denying the fact that most Latin American countries are still run by an oligarchy of landlords and the military.


1993 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-17
Author(s):  
Alice B. Lentz

Alice Lentz offers a brief view of the role of the Americas Fund for Independent Universities (AFIU) in relation to significant initiatives in various Latin American countries. In a region where the function and development of private higher education institutions is especially important, the focus of the AFIU's activities is on private universities' ability to provide trained business leaders with the skills necessary to meet the challenges of enterprise growth in these developing economies. She mentions in particular the strengthening of financing capabilities within the university, and the evolution of three-way partnerships among business corporations, AFIU, and universities in Latin America.


2017 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 75-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michelle L. Dion ◽  
Jordi Díez

AbstractLatin America has been at the forefront of the expansion of rights for same-sex couples. Proponents of same-sex marriage frame the issue as related to human rights and democratic deepening; opponents emphasize morality tied to religious values. Elite framing shapes public opinion when frames resonate with individuals’ values and the frame source is deemed credible. Using surveys in 18 Latin American countries in 2010 and 2012, this article demonstrates that democratic values are associated with support for same-sex marriage while religiosity reduces support, particularly among strong democrats. The tension between democratic and religious values is particularly salient for women, people who live outside the capital city, and people who came of age during or before democratization.


Author(s):  
Usama Bilal ◽  
◽  
Philipp Hessel ◽  
Carolina Perez-Ferrer ◽  
Yvonne L. Michael ◽  
...  

AbstractThe concept of a so-called urban advantage in health ignores the possibility of heterogeneity in health outcomes across cities. Using a harmonized dataset from the SALURBAL project, we describe variability and predictors of life expectancy and proportionate mortality in 363 cities across nine Latin American countries. Life expectancy differed substantially across cities within the same country. Cause-specific mortality also varied across cities, with some causes of death (unintentional and violent injuries and deaths) showing large variation within countries, whereas other causes of death (communicable, maternal, neonatal and nutritional, cancer, cardiovascular disease and other noncommunicable diseases) varied substantially between countries. In multivariable mixed models, higher levels of education, water access and sanitation and less overcrowding were associated with longer life expectancy, a relatively lower proportion of communicable, maternal, neonatal and nutritional deaths and a higher proportion of deaths from cancer, cardiovascular disease and other noncommunicable diseases. These results highlight considerable heterogeneity in life expectancy and causes of death across cities of Latin America, revealing modifiable factors that could be amenable to urban policies aimed toward improving urban health in Latin America and more generally in other urban environments.


Author(s):  
Victor Hernández-Huerta ◽  
Francisco Cantú

Abstract The comparative literature on democratization has shown that election trust depends as much on subjective factors as on the objective conditions of the process. This literature, however, has thus far overlooked the consequences of candidates refusing to concede an electoral defeat. This letter argues that a disputed electoral outcome further inflames negative perceptions of electoral integrity among voters who supported a losing candidate. We bring support for this claim from a multilevel regression that includes data from the AmericasBarometer surveys on almost 100,000 respondents across 49 elections in 18 Latin American countries. We combine these responses with an original database of disputed elections in the region. The empirical findings demonstrate the eroding effect of challenged election outcomes on voters' election trust, particularly among those who voted for a losing candidate. The findings underscore an intuitive yet untested pattern: candidates' refusal to accept the electoral outcome is a strong signal among their supporters, increasing their distrust on the integrity of the process.


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