Giovanni Gabrieli

Music ◽  
2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bryant

Giovanni Gabrieli (b. c. 1554/7–d. 1612) is generally regarded as the supreme representative of large-scale Venetian ceremonial music for voices and/or instruments during the late 16th and early 17th centuries, and was also one of the most celebrated keyboard players of his day, occupying the role of organist at the Venetian ducal chapel from 1585 until his death. Foremost among his teachers and mentors was undoubtedly his uncle Andrea Gabrieli, likewise organist at St Mark’s; he was also in close contact with Orlando di Lasso during his period of service to Duke Albrecht V of Bavaria between 1574 and 1579. Perhaps due to the elitist, exclusive nature of his service to the Venetian state, the bulk of his large-scale ceremonial music was printed in a limited number of monumental retrospective editions, published in 1587 (Concerti di Andrea, & di Gio. Gabrieli, 6–16 voices), 1597 (Sacrae symphoniae, 6–16 voices), and posthumously in 1615 (Symphoniae sacrae [. . .] liber secundus, 6–19 voices; Canzoni et sonate, 3–22 voices). Heir to the 16th-century Venetian musical tradition (as testified by his work as editor of Andrea’s unpublished materials), his memory was by no means obscured by Claudio Monteverdi’s subsequent thirty-year tenure as maestro di cappella. Gabrieli’s compositions circulated widely in northern and central Europe, where their popularity was perhaps furthered by his many pupils (among them Melchior Borchgrevinck, Hans Nielsen, Mogens Pedersøn, Alessandro Tadei, Christoph Cornet, Christoph Kegel, Johann Grabbe, Christoph Clemsee, and the celebrated Heinrich Schütz, all sent to Venice at the expense of their courtly patrons); the many surviving manuscript sources are probably but a fragment of what originally existed. Though few Italians can be unequivocally identified as pupils of Gabrieli, his works are known to have been frequently cited, paraphrased, or reworked by younger northern Italian (above all, Venetian) composers. In general, knowledge of Gabrieli and his milieu has much improved in recent decades, thanks to significant research not only on his biography, his works, and their sources, and the immediate context of his activities at St. Mark’s, but also on the social and economic aspects of daily musical life in what was one of the largest, richest, and most commercially oriented cities on the Italian peninsula. The Venetian musical phenomenon includes, on the one hand, regular or occasional musical activities in the city’s many churches and private palaces (which, together, provided significant earnings for large numbers of musicians, whether or not salaried members of the ducal cappella) and, on the other, the auxiliary trades of music printing and instrument making. Central, too, has been the question of Gabrieli’s and his contemporaries’ music as sound, in terms of both the particular interaction among musical composition, performing forces, space, and the specific liturgical and ceremonial requirements of the Venetian ducal basilica (a question which has engaged generations of researchers) and with regard to the performance of polychoral (and non-polychoral) music elsewhere in the city.

Author(s):  
Charles F. Kennel

Around the time the steady convection model was being developed, Akasofu (1964) was arranging ground-based magnetometer and all-sky camera observations of the complex time dependence of nightside auroral activity into the central phenomenological conception of tune-dependent magnetospheric physics—the auroral substorm. In this chapter, we assemble a description of a substorm from modern observations. We will see that observations of electric fields, auroral X rays, cosmic noise absorption, ionospheric density, and geomagnetic micropulsations have also been successfully ordered by the substorm paradigm. At the same time, it will become clear that each individual substorm has its own irreducible individuality, and that our summary description is really a list of effects that anyone thinking about substorms ought to consider. No real substorm will look exactly like the one described here. Spacecraft observations of auroral light, precipitation, currents, and fields from polar orbit have held out high promise for unified understanding of the development of the auroral substorm around the entire oval. Without truly global auroral observations, it would be difficult to establish decisive contact with observations of large-scale convection and the associated changes in magnetospheric configuration. Despite the high promise and the many other successes of spacecraft observations of the aurora, synthetic understanding of the time development of the auroral substorm at all local times, dayside and nightside, evening and dawn, has been slow in emerging, perhaps because a stringent combination of field of view, sensitivity, space and time resolution, and multispectral capability is required. One needs images of the whole oval with sufficient space resolution to identify important arc structures (50-100 km or better) in a temporal sequence that can articulate the evolution of activity on better than the 10-minute time scale on which polar cap convection develops. Only recently has it been possible to observe auroral activity at all local tunes around the auroral oval simultaneously and follow its time development from the beginning of the growth phase until well into the expansion phase. This amplification of the original paradigm is the subject of Sections 12.2 and 12.3.


Author(s):  
Tom Sorell

Among the figures who were conscious of developing a new science in the seventeenth century, the Englishman Hobbes stands out as an innovator in ethics, politics and psychology. He was active in a number of other fields, notably geometry, ballistics and optics, and seems to have shown considerable acumen as a theorist of light. His contemporaries, especially in Continental Europe, regarded him as a major intellectual figure. Yet he did not earn a living as a scientist or a writer on politics. In 1608 he entered the service of Henry Cavendish, First Earl of Devonshire, and maintained his connections with the family for more than seventy years, working as tutor, translator, travelling companion, business agent and political counsellor. The royalist sympathies of his employers and their circle determined Hobbes’ allegiances in the period preceding and during the English Civil War. Hobbes’ first political treatise, The Elements of Law (1640), was not intended for publication but was meant as a sort of long briefing paper that royalists in parliament could use to justify actions by the king. Even Leviathan (1651), which is often read as if it is concerned with the perennial questions of political philosophy, betrays its origins in the disputes of the pre-Civil War period in England. For much of his life the aristocrats who employed Hobbes brought him into contact with the intellectual life of Continental Europe. He found not just the ideas but also the spokesmen congenial. Perhaps as early as 1630 he met Marin Mersenne, then at the centre of a Parisian network of scientists, mathematicians and theologians that included Descartes as a corresponding member. It was to this group that Hobbes attached himself in 1640 when political events in England seemed to him to threaten his safety, causing him to flee to France. He stayed for ten years and succeeded in making a name for himself, particularly as a figure who managed to bring geometrical demonstration into the field of ethics and politics. His De cive, a treatise that has much in common with the Elements of Law, had a very favourable reception in Paris in 1642. By the time De cive appeared, Hobbes had taught himself enough natural philosophy and mathematics to be taken seriously as a savant in his own right. He had also conceived the plan of producing a large-scale exposition of the ‘elements’ of philosophy as a whole – from first philosophy, geometry and mechanics through to ethics and politics. De cive would be the third volume of a trilogy entitled The Elements of Philosophy. These books present Hobbes’ considered views in metaphysics, physics and psychology against the background of a preferred scheme of science. Metaphysics, or first philosophy, is primarily a definitional enterprise for Hobbes. It selects the terms whose significations need to be grasped if the principles of the rest of the sciences are to be taught or demonstrated. Foremost among the terms that Hobbes regards as central are ‘body’ and ‘motion’. According to Hobbes, the whole array of natural sciences can be organized according to how each treats of motion. Geometry is the first of these sciences in the ‘order of demonstration’ – that is, the science whose truths are the most general and on which the truths of all the other natural sciences somehow depend. Mechanics is next in the preferred order of the sciences. It considers ‘what effects one body moved worketh upon another’. Physics is the science of sense and the effects of the parts of bodies on sense. Moral philosophy or ‘the science of the motions of the mind’ comes next, and is informed by physics. It studies such passions as anger, hope and fear, and in doing so informs civil philosophy. Starting from the human emotional make up, civil philosophy works out what agreements between individuals will form commonwealths, and what behaviour is required within commonwealths to make them last. The behaviour required of the public in order to maintain a commonwealth is absolute submission to a sovereign power. In practice this means abiding by whatever a sovereign declares as law, even if those laws appear to be exacting. Law-abiding behaviour is required so long as, in return, subjects can reasonably expect effective action from the sovereign to secure their safety and wellbeing. With minor variations, this is the theme of all three of Hobbes’ political treatises – the Elements of Law, De cive and Leviathan. Government is created through a transfer of right by the many to the one or the few, in whom an unlimited power is vested. The laws of the sovereign power may seem intrusive and restrictive, but what is the alternative to compliance? Hobbes’ answer is famous: a life that is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short. This conception of life without government is not based on the assumption that human beings are selfish and aggressive but, rather, on the idea that if each is their own judge of what is best, there is no assurance that one’s safety and one’s possessions will not be at the mercy of other people – a selfish few, a vainglorious minority or even members of a moderate majority who think they have to take pre-emptive action against a vainglorious or selfish few. It is the general condition of uncertainty, in conditions where people can do anything they like to pursue their wellbeing and secure their safety, that Hobbes calls ‘war’.


1986 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
pp. 227-243
Author(s):  
Jo-Ann Reif

The relationship of mass composition to the study of rhetoric has occupied many writers interested in perceiving the two as analogous in organisation, vocabulary and persuasive goals. Grammar belonged to the choirboy's education but, more importantly, the method of grammar permeated the general teaching method for other subjects as well. Material, such as questions or disputations, was organised into the similar and the dissimilar, so that working from a model and transfer by analogy were the principal means of making connections between statements and ideas. This essay is concerned with the opportunities available in sixteenth-century Spain for the study of grammar and music and how these possibilities affected the leading Spanish composer of the time, Cristóbal de Morales. In this discussion, Juan Bermudo's treatiseDeclaración de instrumentsis important. Not only does it name leading humanists and composers, and present its theoretical remarks in the language of rhetoric; Morales, who had been in close contact with Bermudo at the Marchena estate of the Duke of Arcos, recommended the treatise. Thus Bermudo, a young Minorite monk, reveals a good deal about Morales by both direct quotation and analogy, and in effect provides a more rounded intellectual impression of the composer, who otherwise expressed himself only in his musical works and their dedications. It can be deduced from musical quotations that Morales is Bermudo's model composer, and by analogy that Morales, versed in rhetoric and imitation, understood the application of these rules in musical composition. In his thorough appraisal of musical tradition, theory and practice, Bermudo assumes the function of a critic in the modern sense.


Author(s):  
Tom Sorell

Among the figures who were conscious of developing a new science in the seventeenth century, the Englishman Hobbes stands out as an innovator in ethics, politics and psychology. He was active in a number of other fields, notably geometry, ballistics and optics, and seems to have shown considerable acumen as a theorist of light. His contemporaries, especially in Continental Europe, regarded him as a major intellectual figure. Yet he did not earn a living as a scientist or a writer on politics. In 1608 he entered the service of Henry Cavendish, First Earl of Devonshire, and maintained his connections with the family for more than seventy years, working as tutor, translator, travelling companion, business agent and political counsellor. The royalist sympathies of his employers and their circle determined Hobbes’ allegiances in the period preceding and during the English Civil War. Hobbes’ first political treatise, The Elements of Law (1640), was not intended for publication but was meant as a sort of long briefing paper that royalists in parliament could use to justify actions by the king. Even Leviathan (1651), which is often read as if it is concerned with the perennial questions of political philosophy, betrays its origins in the disputes of the pre-Civil War period in England. For much of his life the aristocrats who employed Hobbes brought him into contact with the intellectual life of Continental Europe. He found not just the ideas but also the spokesmen congenial. Perhaps as early as 1630 he met Marin Mersenne, then at the centre of a Parisian network of scientists, mathematicians and theologians that included Descartes as a corresponding member. It was to this group that Hobbes attached himself in 1640 when political events in England seemed to him to threaten his safety, causing him to flee to France. He stayed for ten years and succeeded in making a name for himself, particularly as a figure who managed to bring geometrical demonstration into the field of ethics and politics. His De cive, a treatise that has much in common with the Elements of Law, had a very favourable reception in Paris in 1642. By the time De cive appeared, Hobbes had taught himself enough natural philosophy and mathematics to be taken seriously as a savant in his own right. He had also conceived the plan of producing a large-scale exposition of the ‘elements’ of philosophy as a whole – from first philosophy, geometry and mechanics through to ethics and politics. De cive would be the third volume of a trilogy entitled The Elements of Philosophy. These books present Hobbes’ considered views in metaphysics, physics and psychology against the background of a preferred scheme of science. Metaphysics, or first philosophy, is primarily a definitional enterprise for Hobbes. It selects the terms whose significations need to be grasped if the principles of the rest of the sciences are to be taught or demonstrated. Foremost among the terms that Hobbes regards as central are ‘body’ and ‘motion’. According to Hobbes, the whole array of natural sciences can be organized according to how each treats of motion. Geometry is the first of these sciences in the ‘order of demonstration’ – that is, the science whose truths are the most general and on which the truths of all the other natural sciences somehow depend. Mechanics is next in the preferred order of the sciences. It considers ‘what effects one body moved worketh upon another’. Physics is the science of sense and the effects of the parts of bodies on sense. Moral philosophy or ‘the science of the motions of the mind’ comes next, and is informed by physics. It studies such passions as anger, hope and fear, and in doing so informs civil philosophy. Starting from the human emotional make up, civil philosophy works out what agreements between individuals will form commonwealths, and what behaviour is required within commonwealths to make them last. The behaviour required of the public in order to maintain a commonwealth is absolute submission to a sovereign power. In practice this means abiding by whatever a sovereign declares as law, even if those laws appear to be exacting. Law-abiding behaviour is required so long as, in return, subjects can reasonably expect effective action from the sovereign to secure their safety and wellbeing. With minor variations, this is the theme of all three of Hobbes’ political treatises – the Elements of Law, De cive and Leviathan. Government is created through a transfer of right by the many to the one or the few, in whom an unlimited power is vested. The laws of the sovereign power may seem intrusive and restrictive, but what is the alternative to compliance? Hobbes’ answer is famous: a life that is solitary, poor, nasty, brutish and short. This conception of life without government is not based on the assumption that human beings are selfish and aggressive but, rather, on the idea that if each is their own judge of what is best, there is no assurance that one’s safety and one’s possessions will not be at the mercy of other people – a selfish few, a vainglorious minority or even members of a moderate majority who think they have to take pre-emptive action against a vainglorious or selfish few. It is the general condition of uncertainty, in conditions where people can do anything they like to pursue their wellbeing and secure their safety, that Hobbes calls ‘war’.


Author(s):  
Lisbeth Ahlgren Jensen

The article takes the form of an examination of the newspaper reviews of the first performances of Nancy Dalberg’s compositions in the years 1915 to 1937. In doing so, the aim was to find out why on the one hand she was considered one of her time’s foremost female composers but on the other hand has almost completely vanished from view in subsequent musical life. Newspaper reviewers generally devoted her great attention and in the beginning offered constructive criticism, considering her both talented and skilled in composition. But when in 1918 she offered herself as a symphonic composer, the critical tone became sharper, even though there was amazement that a woman should try her strength with such a prestigious musical genre as the symphony. However, lack of performance opportunities meant that she ceased to express herself in large-scale orchestral works but concentrated on composing chamber music and songs. The criticism of the songs in particular reveals an expectation that as a woman she should be expressing herself in a particularly feminine musical language, with an emphasis on the emotional and singable, but as she did nothing to meet these expectations, she was subjected to a rough ride. Close reading of newspaper critics shows that it was acceptable in society for a woman to manifest herself as an artist but that she was expected to express herself in a particular way which would not assail the prevailing conception of femininity. In other words, music criticism was characterised by a sexual ideology which prevented it from evaluating Nancy Dalberg’s compositions objectively. As a result her creative efforts were not taken seriously and gradually she lost the confidence to present herself as a composer. Apparently value-neutral criticism thus proves to be both a communicator of sexual ideology and responsible for maintaining a particular view of women artists.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Qing Yang ◽  
Xinshang You ◽  
Yiye Zhang

AbstractWith the increasing number of overseas talent tasks in China, overseas talent and job fit are significant issues that aim to improve the utilization of this key human resource. Many studies based on fuzzy sets have been conducted on this topic. Among the many fuzzy set methods, intuitionistic fuzzy sets are usually utilized to express and handle the evaluation information. In recent years, various intuitionistic fuzzy decision-making methods have been rapidly developed and used to solve evaluation problems, but none of them can be used to solve the person-job fit problem with intuitionistic best-worst method (BWM) and TOPSIS methods considering large-scale group decision making (LSGDM) and evaluator social network relations (SNRs). Therefore, to solve problems of intuitionistic fuzzy information analysis and the LSGDM for high-level overseas talent and job fit, we construct a new hybrid two-sided matching method named I-BTM and an LSGDM method considering SNRs. On the one hand, to express the decision-making information more objectively and reasonably, we combine the BWM and TOPSIS in an intuitionistic environment. Additionally, we develop the LSGDM with optimized computer algorithms, where the evaluators’ attitudes are expressed by hesitant fuzzy language. Finally, we build a model of high-level overseas talent and job fit and establish a mutual criteria system that is applied to a case study to illustrate the efficiency and reasonableness of the model.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-110
Author(s):  
Rachel Fensham

The Viennese modern choreographer Gertrud Bodenwieser's black coat leads to an analysis of her choreography in four main phases – the early European career; the rise of Nazism; war's brutality; and postwar attempts at reconciliation. Utilising archival and embodied research, the article focuses on a selection of Bodenwieser costumes that survived her journey from Vienna, or were remade in Australia, and their role in the dramaturgy of works such as Swinging Bells (1926), The Masks of Lucifer (1936, 1944), Cain and Abel (1940) and The One and the Many (1946). In addition to dance history, costume studies provides a distinctive way to engage with the question of what remains of performance, and what survives of the historical conditions and experience of modern dance-drama. Throughout, Hannah Arendt's book The Human Condition (1958) provides a critical guide to the acts of reconstruction undertaken by Bodenwieser as an émigré choreographer in the practice of her craft, and its ‘materializing reification’ of creative thought. As a study in affective memory, information regarding Bodenwieser's personal life becomes interwoven with the author's response to the material evidence of costumes, oral histories and documents located in various Australian archives. By resurrecting the ‘dead letters’ of this choreography, the article therefore considers how dance costumes offer the trace of an artistic resistance to totalitarianism.


Imbizo ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-54
Author(s):  
Oyeh O. Otu

This article examines how female conditioning and sexual repression affect the woman’s sense of self, womanhood, identity and her place in society. It argues that the woman’s body is at the core of the many sites of gender struggles/ politics. Accordingly, the woman’s body must be decolonised for her to attain true emancipation. On the one hand, this study identifies the grave consequences of sexual repression, how it robs women of their freedom to choose whom to love or marry, the freedom to seek legal redress against sexual abuse and terror, and how it hinders their quest for self-determination. On the other hand, it underscores the need to give women sexual freedom that must be respected and enforced by law for the overall good of society.


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