Citizenship and Autonomy

2021 ◽  
pp. 28-46
Author(s):  
Luara Ferracioli

This chapter argues that an adult’s right to citizenship follows from her right to securely pursue her good in the liberal state where she already has a moral right to live permanently. It defends the claim that when people migrate on a permanent basis to a liberal state in adulthood, they develop the legitimate expectation that they are allowed to pursue core projects and relationships that are territorially located and that extend across time. It also defends the claim that when adults start pursuing core projects and relationships, they acquire an autonomy-based moral claim to pursue them reliably into the future, as well as to engage in political actions that bear on how such projects and relationships can be pursued in the future.

Author(s):  
Bruce K. Rutherford

This chapter observes that the path of institutional change advocated by market liberals shares important areas of agreement with the reforms advocated by supporters of liberal constitutionalism and Islamic constitutionalism. Each of these groups favors the creation of a more liberal state with effective constraints on its power, a clear and unbiased legal code, and protection of civil and political rights. However, there is no comparable degree of consensus on the value of broadening public participation in politics. This fact suggests that liberalism and democracy have become de-linked in the Egyptian case. Liberalism is likely to progress steadily in the future, while democracy is likely to advance slowly and unevenly. This trajectory may eventually lead to democracy at some point in the future, particularly if liberalism enhances the private sector's independence from the state and leads to a more autonomous and politically active middle class. However, this outcome is not inevitable.


2010 ◽  
Vol 63 (4) ◽  
pp. 456-473
Author(s):  
Michael Welker

AbstractThe article investigates the encounter between Joseph Cardinal Ratzinger and Jürgen Habermas in Munich 2004. The event was widely regarded as a conversation about the topic ‘The Pre-Political Moral Foundations of a Liberal State’. It was praised as a dialogue between the ‘personification of the Catholic faith’ and ‘the personification of liberal, individual and secular thought’ with far-reaching consequences. A close analysis of the texts, however, shows that Ratzinger and Habermas think in quite incompatible frameworks with very different concerns. They both share a sceptical attitude towards scientific ideology and they both show a remarkable lack of cultural and political realism. Habermas assumes that civil-societal elites will transform moral concerns into political and legal power. Ratzinger hopes for a revival of natural law tradition which would overcome the ‘pathologies of reason’ and political and religious fanaticism.


Millennium ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-113
Author(s):  
Eckhard Meyer-Zwiffelhoffer

AbstractThe paper seeks to examine whether Roman emperors legitimized their political actions with a view towards the future achievement of social and political order. The heuristic point of departure is Koselleck’s concept of ‚futures past‘ (vergangene Zukunft) which has been widely discussed in early modern and medieval research while its applicability to prechristian antiquity is still unexplored. The example of the so-called reforms of Augustus and Diocletian reveals that even in response to severe crises in the Roman Empire the emperors did not command any ideas of order in alternative to prevailing conditions. Neither did they have any ‚master plan‘ of coordinated reforms, but reacted in a situational manner with improvements of administrative practice which were mainly aimed at consolidating their power and authority. All ‚reforms‘ were pronounced retrotopically as a return to better days (restitutio) or as a preservation (conservatio) of ‚happier times‘ (felicitas temporum). Looking at the monarchical discourse of power and the messages exchanged in various media between the emperor and his subjects, it is evident that the dominant time regime of imperial chronopolitics lay in a ‚presentism‘ which extended the present, as ‚eutopia‘, into eternity and glorified it as a golden age, whereas the future was only envisaged in dynastic terms. The horizon of expectations of both the emperor and his subjects was restricted to present-day provision. Only Christians were able to imagine a worldly and transcendent horizon of the future. The political success and duration of the Roman Empire left no room for alternative horizons of possibilities, which also explains why the Roman Empire – in contrast to the Greek world – had no notion of utopia.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-133
Author(s):  
Menachem Mautner

Abstract The proliferation of neoliberalism has unavoidably bred an impoverishment of meaning in the lives of people. The more neoliberal a state is the more religious its populace is likely to turn. If this is accompanied by the decline of the meaning provided by the narratives and practices of the nation-state, religion remains the only real source of big meaning for the citizens of the post-nationalist neoliberal state. The combination of neoliberalism and post-nationalism is therefore a potential threat to the future prospects of secular liberal-democracy. The liberal state cannot provide its citizens with a system of big meaning, or at least not with a thick and comprehensive such system. But if it abides by what I call “the liberalism of flourishing”, the liberal state will take it upon itself to provide its citizens with rich contents of deep meaning, i.e., with an abundance of materials embedded in art. Rich contents of deep meaning can serve as building blocks for individuals to develop their own personal conceptions of the big meaning of life. This is the main way in which a liberal state can compete with the contents of big meaning provided by religion.


2020 ◽  
pp. 138826272096179
Author(s):  
Mel Cousins

The concept of ‘legitimate expectation’ is one which has developed to different degrees in the domestic laws of contracting states of the Council of Europe. The European Court of Human Rights tends to use the term is two related contexts. First, the Court refers to legitimate expectation as a way of expanding the scope of ‘possessions’ within the meaning of Article 1 of Protocol 1 (P1-1) of the European Convention of Human Rights in order to bring an issue within the purview of the Court. Second, the Court uses the term to refer to a person’s expectations as to the future peaceful enjoyment of their possessions. The failure by the Court to define clearly what it means by the term ‘legitimate expectation’ and its use in two different (if related) ways has led to significant confusion in the Court’s jurisprudence as it concerns social security.


Author(s):  
Bryan G. Norton

“What good is a world view, anyway?” we might well ask, if environmentalists are allowed to put them on and take them off like hats. This is serious business; after all—it’s no fashion show—the future of the planet is at stake. We have noted that environmentalists lack a fully developed world view, a complete conceptual, theoretical, and evaluative framework for interpreting the world. Environmentalists have generally, as David did in facing Goliath, gone into battle against the powerful forces of exploitation, which are well armed with a reductionistic world view, with just slingshots and pebbles. But environmentalists have done remarkably well, given the apparently uneven distribution of intellectual armaments. The hit-and-run tactics of guerilla warfare have obvious benefits. Playing fast and loose with metaphysical and moral principles, environmentalists have gained considerable political clout by employing that value which seems particularly appropriate for a given issue, or by emphasizing a particular world view that will be effective in reaching a coveted constituency. But guerilla warfare has important costs as well. Environmentalists can appear to outsiders as disorganized and fractious, especially if one listens to their rhetoric, rather than observing their political actions. Further, the fragmentation of environmentalists’ world views has real costs internal to the movement because it results in failures of communication and mistrust, even among individuals and groups that are pursuing identical or nearly identical policies. For example, while committees formed by the Group of Ten could reach a detailed consensus on policy in all areas of environmental concern, they were unable to present the document as endorsed by their respective organizations because some organizations wished not to be publicly associated with others because of differing attitudes toward hunting. The most important cost of world view fragmentation among environmentalists, however, exists not in the past or in the present, but in the future. Environmentalists have failed to articulate a positive vision for the future; they cannot explain in terms comprehensible to each other or to the public at large what is their positive dream. As is sometimes said, environmentalists are always “against something.”


2021 ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Richard Whatmore

‘Globality, morality, and the future’ recounts the 1960s research in the history of political thought, which was inspired by the writings of Leo Strauss, Michel Foucault, Reinhart Koselleck, and the Cambridge School authors. The reconstruction of the meaning of texts can be seen through the scholars’ ideological contexts and perspectives. Despite the rejection of Marxist categories for interrogating history and proletarian revolution, the world created by capitalism continues to be attacked for its endemic war and fanatical politics. Aspects of the history of political thought trained scholars to see the problems of contemporary society. The history of political thought allowed political actions to be charted and evaluated for success.


2019 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 428-450
Author(s):  
David Darmofal ◽  
Nathan J. Kelly ◽  
Christopher Witko ◽  
Sarah Young

Unlike most other countries, in the United States, subnational governments (states) have substantial authority over collective bargaining and union organization laws. Because states compete for business investment and union (dis)organization likely has spillover effects beyond state borders, weak unions in one state may affect union organization in other states. We examine how union decline in one state is associated with union decline in neighboring states, and whether the presence of prounion (left-leaning) governments may limit the spread of union decline. Examining a period of major union decline (1983–2014), we find that union weakness in one state is associated with union weakness in nearby states. We observe that Democratic power in Congress is associated with higher unionization rates, but that liberal state governments have been relatively powerless to stop union decline in this period. These findings have important implications for understanding the historical and contemporary weakness of American unions and for the future of union strength in the United States.


2019 ◽  
Vol 79 (314) ◽  
pp. 541
Author(s):  
Emerson José Sena da Silveira

O presente artigo analisa o reacionarismo entre os católicos no século XX. Baseado em uma metodologia ensaístico-bibliográfica, argumenta que as organizações contemporâneas que defendem um catolicismo e uma Igreja voltados para a ênfase em guerras da moral e da cultura (campanha antiaborto e contra o casamento LGBTQIA+), podem ser vistas como complexas heranças conservadoras mescladas às linguagens midiáticas modernas que articulam a fé religiosa reacionária num passado idolátrico e a ação público-política em uma finalidade: apontar o futuro como hierofania do modus vivendi reacionário.  Abstract: This paper analyses the presence of reactionarism among Catholics on the twentieth century. Based on a bibliographic-essayist methodology, one proposes the premise that contemporary Catholicism-advocating organizations, with an emphasis on the cultural and moral Catholic wars – i.e. anti-abortion campaigning, anti-LGBTQIA+ marriage campaigning; can be perceived as complex conservative inheritances mixed with contemporary media languages that articulate reactionary religious belief in an idolatrous past and public and political actions with a specific purpose, pointing to the future as a hierophany of the reactionary modus vivendi.Keywords: Catholic reactionarism; Catholic moral war; Contemporaneity and Catholicism.


Author(s):  
Stine Krøijer

Artiklen belyser venstreradikale aktivisters indsamling af mad fra supermarkeders affaldscontainere, såkaldt skraldning, som politisk og tidsligt fænomen. Analysen peger på kroppen som både politikkens form og objekt og på, hvordan formgivning af kroppen frembringer tid. Artiklen omhandler aktivisters erfaringer af forskel- lige midlertidige perspektiver (død og aktiv tid). Frem for at anskue politiske handlinger som orienterede imod eller et resultat af et fremtidigt punkt eller mål bruges begrebet figuration til at beskrive, hvordan en ellers ubestemmelig fremtid midlertidigt opnår en bestemt form. Gennem analysen udsættes modstillingen mellem nutid og fremtid således for en etnografisk informeret kritik. Stine Krøijer: The Future in a Garbage Container: Temporary Perspectivism among Danish Leftwing Activists The present article describes the practice of dumpster diving, that is, the recollection of discarded food from supermarket containers, as a political and temporal phenomenon. The analysis points to the body as both the form and object of political action, and on how this figuration of the body engenders time. The article illuminates left radical activists’ experiences of different temporal perspectives (dead and active time). Rather than looking upon political actions as oriented towards, or as a result of, a future goal or point in time, the concept figuration is employed to describe how an otherwise indeterminate future temporarily gains a determinate form. Through the analysis the antinomy between present and future is subjected to an ethnographically informed critique. Keywords: Dumpster diving, activism, body , time, future, Denmark 


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document