Worthy Objects of Charity

2019 ◽  
pp. 171-193
Author(s):  
Preeti Chopra

The British colonial government received requests for assistance in the establishment of charitable institutions in Bombay in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This chapter underscores the role of the colonial government as protector of the European community in Bombay, in contrast with similar efforts towards native communities (ethnic and religious) in the city. In particular, it demonstrates how a study of Bombay’s charitable institutions provides a deeper understanding of what British colonials deemed as “worthy objects of charity” in western India. It is not simply the dichotomy between colonial engagements with charitable institutions for Europeans and native communities that is of interest. What is unexpected and enlightening is that the government's relationship with the charitable institutions of native religious communities---Parsi, Hindu, Muslim, and Jewish--was not always the same. Based on these varied engagements, this chapter reveals the colonial government’s complex and diverging ideas of “worth.”

Africa ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 425-434 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert L. Tignor

Opening ParagraphIn 1938 an African building a house in the city of Ife, the cultural capital of the Yorubas and the mythical cradle of Yoruba civilisation, came upon an extraordinary cache of ancient Nigerian bronzes. In all, at least fifteen bronzes were uncovered in 1938 in a compound only 100 yards from the palace of the Oni of Ife. These bronzes were to prove of great historical and artistic significance. Until that time only two other bronzes had been unearthed in the Yoruba area, and one of those had disappeared, leaving Nigeria only a single original and a replica. In the disposition of the priceless new finds there ensued a tale of intrigue, prevarication, outraged nationalism, and narrow-minded ethnocentricism that drew into its maelstrom the British colonial government of Nigeria, the US Consulate in Lagos, and the USA's Department of State. Although the Ife bronzes, which today reside in a handsome if small museum in the city of Ife, are not so well known as, for example, the Elgin marbles or certain other antiquities taken from the Third World, the controversy surrounding their removal from Nigeria and their eventual return was filled with the same emotion and employed the same arguments heard today over the rightful location of national cultural treasures. The Nigerian dispute is made all the more poignant in that one of the major protagonists was not a money-seeking antiquities dealer, but a young American anthropologist destined to be one of the most astute and sympathetic interpreters of Yoruba culture.


Itinerario ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 96-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Warren

A new found interest in social history, recent developments in historical thought and methodology and a fresh awareness of the importance of gender-specific experience have led historians to question an ‘ordinary woman's place’ in Singa- pore's past. In the historiography of Singapore, there is a need to foreground the critical importance of the ah ku and karayuki-san in the sex,politics and society of the city, stressing not only alterations in their life and circumstance, but also variations in the role of the colonial government, and changes in the ideology of sex and social policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (2) ◽  
pp. 420-443
Author(s):  
Mithi Mukherjee

This Article treats the Indian National Army Trial of 1945 as a key moment in the elaboration of an anticolonial critique of international law in India. The trial was actually a court-martial of three Indian officers by the British colonial government on charges of high treason for defecting from the British Indian Army, joining up with Indian National Army forces in Singapore, and waging war in alliance with Imperial Japan against the British. In this trial, the defense made the radical claim that anticolonial wars fought in Asia against European powers were legitimate and just and should be recognized as such under international law. The aim of this Article is to draw attention to the understudied role of anticolonial movements in challenging the premises of international law in the aftermath of World War II.


2012 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
JULIA STEPHENS

AbstractIn the late 1860s and early 1870s the British colonial government in India suppressed an imagined Wahhabi conspiracy, which it portrayed as a profound threat to imperial security. The detention and trial of Amir and Hashmadad Khan—popularly known as the Great Wahhabi Case—was the most controversial of a series of public trials of suspected Wahhabis. The government justified extra-judicial arrests and detentions as being crucial to protect the empire from anti-colonial rebels inspired by fanatical religious beliefs. The government's case against the Khan brothers, however, was exceptionally weak. Their ongoing detention sparked a sustained public debate about the balance between executive authority and the rule of law. In newspapers and pamphlets published in India and Britain, Indian journalists and Anglo-Indian lawyers argued that arbitrary police powers posed a greater threat to public security than religious fanatics. In doing so, they embraced a language of liberalism which emphasized the rule of law and asserted the role of public opinion as a check on government despotism. Debates about the Great Wahhabi Case demonstrate the ongoing contest between authoritarian and liberal strands of imperial ideology, even at the height of the panic over the intertwined threat of Indian sedition and fanatical Islam.


2012 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 1633-1671 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN INGLESON

AbstractThis paper discusses the responses of The Netherlands Indies colonial government to the rise in urban unemployment in Java brought about by the 1930s Depression. At least one in six of the large European/Eurasian population in the colony, and an even larger proportion of urban Indonesian workers, became unemployed as a result of the Depression. The colonial government and the European community were greatly concerned that the growth of unemployment among Europeans would lead to destitution for many, ultimately forcing them into the native kampung1. They were also concerned about what they saw as the moral decay of local-born European/Eurasian youth who were unemployed in unprecedented numbers. Furthermore, the European community feared that the growth in unemployment among western-educated Indonesians in the towns and cities in Java would create a fertile recruitment ground for nationalist political parties leading to urban unrest. Fear of the kampung for destitute Europeans, and fear of urban unrest from unemployed western-educated Indonesians, shaped the colonial government's responses to urban unemployment. The impact of the Depression on both Indonesian and European unemployed in the towns and cities in Java triggered lengthy debates on the role of the state in the provision of social security.


2021 ◽  
pp. 21-37
Author(s):  
Claire Priest

This chapter discusses land distribution in the British American colonies. British policy in the Americas was notable for its goal of putting land into cultivation and for offering small parcels of land to immigrants to achieve the goal. The chapter starts by outlining the structure of British colonial government. It goes on to describe the role of the colonies in the broader conception of Great Britain's commerce, and the legal regulation of colonial trade and credit relationships. Unlike the companies trading in the East, which had imported goods for which they knew a market existed, the companies operating in America had to discover and develop lucrative items for export. But the types of goods that appeared to be marketable, such as tobacco and rice, required labor. Laborers were initially recruited by means of indentured servant contracts, and later coerced by slavery. By 1660, the British government monopolized trade over its colonies in America. The British colonies were united by the reach of comprehensive trade regulations enacted to advance the mercantilist goal of improving England's (and Scotland's) balance of trade. The commercial regulations were enacted in piecemeal fashion and were often the product of highly contested political debate. They are, however, collectively referred to as the “Navigation Acts.”


2015 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Reginald W. Nel

Urban religion, often visible in the work of faith-based organisations which consciously aim at unshackling the debilitating realities of urban marginalised communities, needs to be consciously inclusive in all its endeavours. In particular, this is crucial for actions such as those of the Tshwane Leadership Foundation that consciously seeks the peace of the city beyond the mere absence of conflict. This inclusivity requires a sensitive, creative, but also mutually transformative dialogue. This article aims at bringing into dialogue what biblical scholar Gerald West, in his proposal for contextual Bible Study, calls ‘trained’ readers of the Bible with what he calls ‘ordinary’ readers, who are homeless in the City of Tshwane. This methodology leads to a mutually transformative encounter in the common search for peace but also to appreciating the calling of urban religious communities in South Africa. It aims to make a contribution towards an inclusive and mutually transformative dialogue in order to contribute to the quest of urban religious communities to unshackle the marginalisation, whether it be in their consciousness or their environment.


1997 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 371-390 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary Fainsod Katzenstein ◽  
Uday Singh Mehta ◽  
Usha Thakkar

In rally upon rally over the last half-dozen years, Shiv Sena party supporters have been exhorted to intone, “Say with pride, that we are Hindu” (“Garva se kaho hum hindu hai”). In Hindi, not Marathi. This incantation as a centerpiece of Shiv Sena events would have been scarcely imaginable in the early years of Shiv Sena. Both the stress on a Hindu identity and the use of Hindi in political sloganeering are indicative of a major shift in the politics of regionalism in Western India.This turn to Hinduism is what seemed to underly the outbreak of violence in Bombay on a scale never before witnessed in the city. In the winter of 1992–93, Bombay experienced the worst Hindu-Muslim conflagration the city has ever known. According to Human Rights Watch, over 1,000 people were killed, and tens or perhaps hundreds of thousands fled the city (1995, 26–27). It is a shift in which the once-local, nativist party in Bombay, the Shiv Sena, now finds itself the dominant political force in the state of Maharashtra, with a ready capacity to incite widespread violence, extract rents, and shape public policy and legislative initiatives (including the decision to first nullify and then renegotiate the Enron power project that recently captured global attention). This article attempts to understand the role of religious nationalism in the ascendancy of Shiv Sena.


1970 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. de Vere Allen

When the British first became involved officially in the Malay States in 1874 they were represented there by a very small and oddly assorted group of men quite separate and different from, and only loosely controlled by, the official colonial establishment in the Straits Settlements. By the time of the Japanese occupation this had grown to a group which was very large by normal British colonial standards and had become much more homogeneous, conformed much more closely to general Colonial Office type, and also ruled in the Colony. It is the aim of this paper to trace this development, with an eye to the part played by the M.C.S. (as the Malayan Civil Service was always called) in Malayan history during the early twentieth century. I would myself contend that the corporate role of the M.C.S. was so important that this period of Malayan history, and especially the events of the 1920s and 1930s, cannot be understood without it. But I shall not here have time to explore this role fully, merely to indicate the sphere in which it was important and how it came to be so. The main themes will be the growth in numbers, the emergence of a distinctive esprit de corps, and the efforts, largely successful, to maintain a certain degree of independence–or at any rate internal self-government–which sometimes led it into disputes or open clashes with Whitehall, with the High Commissioner in Singapore, or with the rest of the European community in Malaya itself.


Author(s):  
SHARIFAH DARMIA BINTI SHARIF ADAM ◽  
AHMAD KAMAL ARIFFIN BIN MOHD RUS

ABSTRAK Artikel ini membincangkan peranan Kongres Kesatuan Pekerja-Pekerja dalam Perkhidmatan Awam (Congress of Union of Employees in the Public Services - CUEPACS) dalam usahanya menuntut kenaikan gaji bagi anggota perkhidmatan awam di Persekutuan Tanah Melayu (PTM) dalam tempoh antara tahun 1957 hingga 1970. Pada tahun 1957, PTM mencapai kemerdekaan dan serentak dengan itu pentadbiran PTM beralih daripada kerajaan kolonial British kepada kerajaan PTM sendiri. Perkhidmatan awam turut mengalami pelbagai perubahan. Namun, gaji yang diterima oleh anggota perkhidmatan awam didapati tiada perubahan. Anggota perkhidmatan awam yang berkhidmat selepas merdeka masih menerima gaji yang sama ketika mereka berada di bawah pentadbiran kerajaan kolonial British. Walau bagaimanapun, peningkatan taraf hidup penduduk selepas merdeka telah memberi kesan terhadap anggota perkhidmatan awam kerana peningkatan tersebut tidak selaras dengan jumlah gaji mereka. Pada masa yang sama, kajian ini turut menyentuh peranan CUEPACS mewujudkan persamaan gaji antara anggota wanita dan lelaki dalam perkhidmatan awam. Oleh itu, fokus utama dalam perbincangan ini adalah untuk mengenal pasti tindakan CUEPACS menuntut kenaikan gaji bagi anggota perkhidmatan awam dan persamaan gaji anggota wanita dan lelaki. Kajian ini juga menilai sejauh mana kerjasama antara CUEPACS dan kerajaan PTM dalam usaha meningkatkan kadar gaji anggota perkhidmatan awam di PTM. Maklumat tentang peranan CUEPACS dalam usaha meningkatkan kenaikan dan persamaan gaji anggota perkhidmatan awam di PTM diperoleh daripada Laporan Tahunan CUEPACS, Parliamentary Debate, Pekeliling Perkhidmatan, laporan surat khabar dan penulisan buku. Hasil kajian mendapati bahawa peranan CUEPACS dalam tuntutan kenaikan gaji bukan sahaja telah membolehkan anggota perkhidmatan awam di PTM menikmati kenaikan gaji tetapi juga membolehkan anggota perkhidmatan awam wanita dan lelaki mendapat persamaan gaji. Abstract This article discusses the role of the Congress of Unions of Employees in the Public Services (CUEPACS) in an effort to raise wages for a civil servant in the Federation of Malaya (FM) between 1957 until 1970. In 1957, FM achieved independence and simultaneously, the FM administration shifted from the British colonial government to the FM government. In line with that, the public service has undergone various changes. However, in terms of wages received by a civil servant, no changes were made. This is because a civil servant who has served after independence still receive the same wages when they are under the administration of the British colonial government. However, the increase in the standard of living after independence has affected the civil servant as the increase is not in line with their wages. At the same time, the study also touches on the role of CUEPACS to create wage equality between women and men in the civil service. Hence, the main focus of the discussion is to identify what CUEPACS's action is to demand wages increase for civil servants and wages equality between women and men. In addition, this study also assesses the extent of the collaboration between CUEPACS and the FM government in the effort to increase the wages of a civil servant in FM. Information on the role of CUEPACS in the effort to improve the wages increase and wages equality of civil servant in FM is derived from CUEPACS Annual Report, Parliamentary Debate, Service Circulars, newspaper report and book writing. The findings show that the role of CUEPACS in wages raising claims has not only allowed civil servant at FM to enjoy wage increases but also allow civil servant among women and men to get payroll similarities.


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