China’s Global Cultural Interactions

2020 ◽  
pp. 137-155
Author(s):  
Shaun Breslin

As China continues to “rise” in world affairs, its international image is becoming more and more important. The Chinese Communist Party and government has become interested in—some would say obsessed with—its international image. In recent years it has sponsored mega events such as the Shanghai Expo and Olympic Games, G-20 Summit, and Belt and Road Forums. Beijing has also established Confucius Institutes (CIs) and classrooms worldwide, and has internationalized the Chinese media. This chapter examines China’s “soft power” and traces the historical precedents behind the contemporary promotion of Chinese culture abroad. It finds that, despite enormous investment, China’s internatonal image continues to be mixed and challenged by a number of domestic impediments.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Ingrid d’Hooghe

Summary China’s growing confidence on the world stage under the leadership of President Xi Jinping is reflected in the country’s more active, vocal and, lately, even ‘wolf warrior’ diplomacy. It is also clearly visible in China’s public diplomacy approach, where priorities have shifted from advertising Chinese culture as the country’s major source of soft power to promoting China’s models of domestic and global governance. The Chinese government proudly presents policies such as the Belt and Road Initiative and, more recently China’s approach to the COVID-19 pandemic, as improvements in global governance or sometimes even as Chinese ‘gifts’ to the world. This article argues that under President Xi, the content and form of China’s public diplomacy have changed. China’s public diplomacy has hardened, it is more strongly controlled by the Chinese Communist Party and the content of China’s public diplomacy messages have become more political.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 ◽  
pp. 528-554 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kenneth Lieberthal

Mao Tse-tung died on 9 September 1976. On 6 October, with the arrest of four leading members of the Politburo, Hua Kuo-feng became Mao Tse-tung's successor. Since then the Chinese media have vilified the “gang of four” as “splittists” who had worked together for years to divide the Party and promote their own personal fortunes. According to the victors, policy issues had little to do with the activities of this nefarious “gang.” Rather, lust for personal power and desire for wealth alone inspired them to wage partisan warfare within the ranks of the Chinese Communist Party.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 40-46
Author(s):  
Oloo Oloo

In recent years, the Chinese media has grown vastly with the country’s interest in the investment in the developing countries. As the relationship with these countries become, so as the influence of Chinese culture towards the nations through the ever-growing Chinese media. Since the implementation of significant projects in Africa, Caribbean and Asia countries by Chinese government, the Chinese media have been characterized in localizing their TV contents to compete with the host countries and stretching their sense of soft power to these nations. Although they have faced significant challenges in terms of cultural difference, and technological development, the Chinese reality TV shows have continued to be part of the regular host countries' TV program diet while facing fierce standpoint from the initial global dominant media in these markets. This paper analyses these trends in focus on the Chinese reality TV shows that have hit the host countries' market as well as the motivation of their evolution. The article traces the extent of these strategies to be leveraged by states to balance their local production and foster cordial relation with China in a context of edutainment. It is imperative to analyze the development of this crucial phenomenon in the ontological perspective of the internationalization and marketization of products. The article addresses these issues by drawing attention from different players in this conspicuous field.


Author(s):  
André Laliberté

AbstractThis essays looks at the diversity of approaches used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in its politicization of religions. It first provides an overview of continuity with past practices by the Chinese state in the imperial and republican eras to stress the undetermined nature of ideological change in China. Then, it looks at the mechanisms by which the CCP makes religion a political issue and a matter of public concern within broader agendas. It stresses that this politicization of religions has unfolded in two different ways since 1949: besides the negative and coercive approach of the authorities, positive and cooperative strategy are also implemented. The regime hopes religions will be active politically to promote its objectives, such as projecting abroad an image of China’s soft power, raising funds for philanthropic activities within China, or supporting the state ‘patriotic’ agenda. The actions by the CCP suggest that it does not look at all religions as equally valuable to serve its political objectives, as it still maintains a distinction between official and banned religions. The article documents that the state’s encouragement to the revival of some religious activities is selective but on the other hand that CCP views are more nuanced than outsiders assume.


Author(s):  
Mohammed Shattab Edan

China's foreign policy towards the Syrian issue represent the policy of its ruling party, the Communist Party of China (CPC), which espouses a special vision on foreign policy issues. This research highlights the party's status and influence in China's foreign policy making and its reflection on the Syrian issue . This policy of not to exceed the use of veto power to impede the draft resolutions against the Syrian political regime, And seeking to develop new ways and tools that may succeed in increasing China's intervention in the Syrian issue or retreat from the current level of intervention, This research likely the possibility of increasing Chinese intervention as a result of the increasing interests of China over world, And especially in the Middle East after the adoption of the "Belt and Road" initiative by the Chinese political leadership since 2013 .


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 71-86
Author(s):  
Natalia V. Selezneva

Southeast Asian countries have always been one of the priority regions of the Chinese foreign policy due both to the geographic proximity and to the long historical and cultural connections and new forms of economic and trade cooperation which have been formed on that basis. Vietnam supports close interaction with its northern neighbour not only in the Party matters, but also in the trade and economic, agricultural, tourism, educational, medical, and other spheres. Naturally, this suggests intense learning of the Chinese language on a large scale. China, in its turn, is interested in maintenance and increase of its positive image among the countries of Southeast Asia. That is why China applies various methods and tools of nonforce pressure, which are known as cultural soft power. One of these tools is the Confucius Institute (Classes). China considered it the site of promotion of the Chinese language and Chinese culture abroad. From the outside, Vietnam and China appear to move toward each other in the matter of teaching and learning Chinese, but the reality shows that the Vietnamese side is not hastening to join the Chinese initiative, striving to control the situation, and does not let the Chinese side expand the Confucius Institutes network in Vietnam. Also, the analysis of the situation has shown the insignificant role of the Confucius Institutes in teaching the Chinese language.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 286-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Giulianotti

This article explores the national and global significance and impact of Beijing’s hosting of the 2008 summer Olympic Games. The discussion is organized into four main parts. First, I locate the 2008 Beijing Olympics in the context of wider processes of globalization; in particular, I explore how China ‘glocalized’ the Olympics, by giving the event distinctive meanings that were then experienced by global television audiences. Second, I employ the concept of ‘soft power’ to explore how, in hosting the event, China sought to advance its international influence and appeal; I introduce the concept of ‘soft disempowerment’ to examine how there may have been some negative impacts for China in staging the Olympics. Third, I discuss issues of security surrounding the Beijing Olympics, given the growing focus on such questions for sport mega-events in general following the 9/11 attacks in 2001. Fourth, I outline some of the key issues regarding sporting legacies for China, following the 2008 Olympics, with particular reference to Chinese football.


2021 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 21-36
Author(s):  
Nazerke Zhaukeyeva ◽  
◽  
Indira Rystina ◽  

The article reflects the peculiarities of the application of the theory of "soft power" of the People's Republic of China through the mass media in state policy. In addition, the origin of this theory, the definition of the concept of "soft power" by Chinese researchers, adapted to Chinese society and culture, is given. This theory has gained particular popularity in the country, because it has found harmony with the worldview of the Chinese nation. Modern Chinese media, which, relying on new technologies, are the main tool for implementing this policy, successfully solve their main tasks. In particular, many major Chinese media content is published in English, their presence on the global Internet is increasing, and the scale of distribution is expanding. It is known that in order to spread Chinese culture on a global scale, deepen its acceptance, express a positive attitude to socio-economic modernization and political decisions of the People's Republic of China, the state uses innovative communication methods and actively spreads the Chinese "tone" in the international arena. The Chinese media come to the conclusion that they are effectively pursuing a policy of "soft power", spreading the values and culture of China around the world and thereby forming a positive image of the country. However, it is impossible to come to an unambiguous conclusion that China's soft power is being successfully implemented. After all, within the framework of the US-Chinese confrontation and the "belt and road", the activities of the Chinese media are severely criticized.


2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-49
Author(s):  
Bence Garamvölgyi ◽  
Tamás Dóczi

Abstract Sport is often utilized as a tool by governments and nation-states in building a favorable international image, seeking external political legitimacy, and strengthening nation-building endeavors across borders. Given its universal appeal, sport is often perceived as a valuable soft power asset for conveying positive messages to foreign publics. Against this backdrop, the present study aims to introduce the sports diplomacy approach of Hungary, specifically focusing on the state-led utilization of sport in public diplomacy under the recent government of Viktor Orbán (2010–2020). With the institutionalization of sport in public diplomacy, Hungary has become a pioneering country in Central and Eastern Europe that can provide an example for other nation-states in the region. The Hungarian government’s sports diplomacy ambitions have not been curbed by the COVID-19 pandemic, and the country continues to invest large amounts of public funding in attracting and organizing international sporting competitions. Hosting the Summer Olympic Games in Budapest remains the ultimate goal of the current government’s sports diplomacy strategy, which focuses on elite sport.


2021 ◽  
pp. 468-480
Author(s):  
Elena Vladimirovna Gavrilova ◽  
Oleg Ivanovich Karpukhin

The article analyzes the activities of Confucius Institutes as a subject of modern foreign cultural policy of China. Methods of increasing influence at the international level are very diverse, ranging from China's participation in international projects (cultural and industrial exhibitions, Olympiads, scientific forums, etc.) organized on its territory to the organization of the media space that gradually covers the whole world. To implement the state policy of "soft power", the Chinese government approved the development of Chinese educational and cultural centers around the world. These institutions bear the name of the greatest Chinese philosopher, the teacher of the nation, Confucius. In China, his name is associated with culture and education, as the philosopher himself attached great importance to tradition and education. The Confucius Institutes network provides opportunities for personal and business contacts of the international community with representatives of Chinese science, culture, business, and politics. Such meetings increase the interest in learning the language, raising it to a more pragmatic level, associated with obtaining new opportunities. As a rule, the departments of the Confucius Institute are opened on the basis of Oriental Studies faculties in the leading national universities of a particular country. Thanks to their educational and cultural projects, the Confucius Institutes arouse not only great interest and desire to join the values of Chinese culture, but also enjoy great trust among all those who love China or plan to connect their lives with the prospects that this country opens for friends, opening up new prospects for student and professor mobility.


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