Islam as a Language of Popular Politics

2020 ◽  
pp. 227-255
Author(s):  
Abhishek Kaicker

By the 1720s, disorderly gatherings and protests appeared to have become an integral part of urban life in Delhi. This chapter shows how such tumults of the city marked acts of everyday political assertion by ordinary people. Relying on the gestures and practices of Islam to publicly demand “justice” in the face of “oppression,” such protests appropriated the ideal of the ‘Community of Muslims’ for their own ends. Accordingly this chapter examines a central gesture in such political protests: the popular interruption of the Friday sermon. Although it emerged in a moment of sectarian controversy in 1711, the act of interrupting the Friday sermon quickly came to serve as the key symbolic means by which the people challenged the enunciation of imperial sovereignty when it did not lend its support to them.

2020 ◽  
pp. 147-175
Author(s):  
Abhishek Kaicker

The discourse of sovereignty enunciated at the Mughal court had no place for the participation of its subjects. Yet, by the early eighteenth century, political protests had become visible in the cities of the empire across the historical record. How did this come to be? This chapter shows how Aurangzeb’s discourse of sovereignty privileging of the application of law (sharīʿa) set the terms of the relationship between the king and his subjects. While such legal intervention was designed to impose discipline on a society populated by unruly elites and commoners, an unintended consequence was the creation of new avenues through which urban communities engaged the state: Whether around questions of “justice” in urban disputes, or protests against the prices of food, or the imposition of the poll tax, the people of the empire’s cities began to increasingly demonstrate a capacity to challenge the king in the terms of his own discourse of sovereignty.


GeoJournal ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 85 (5) ◽  
pp. 1277-1289 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chigwenya Average

Abstract Informality has been viewed as the seedbed for economic development especially in the cities of the global South and many cities have been trying to integrate this sector for economic development. The sector has been seen as the option for economic development in cities of the global South in the face of dwindling resources for economic development. However, the development and growth of informal activities in some of these cities have been stunted by institutional reforms that have taken so long to accommodate such activities. Most of the cities have acknowledged the need to integrate informality in their economies but they have remained illusioned by the neo-liberal urbanisation policies that have kept the informal activities on the periphery of the development agenda. As a result the role of informal sector in economic development in cities of the global South has not been fully realised. The study was taken to examine the institutional impediments in the growth of informal activities in the city of Masvingo, to see how the laws and policies of the city have been applied for the integration of informal sector in the main stream economy. The research found out that there are institutionalised systems that disenfranchise the informal sector in the city of Masvingo. These institutions include the planning approach and the way the city has been practicing their planning. These two institutions have been the chief disenfranchising instruments that have denied the people in the informal sector their right to the city. The research utilised a mixed methods approach to the inquiry, where both qualitative and quantitative data were used. The research found that there is space for informal integration in the city of Masvingo, but the existing regulatory framework is stifling the growth and development of the informal sector in the city of Masvingo. There is therefore need for the city to be flexible enough to embrace the realities of the city, because informality is really the new form of urbanisation in cities of the global South.


2004 ◽  
Vol 39 ◽  
pp. 280-297
Author(s):  
Jane Garnett ◽  
Gervase Rosser

We begin with an image, and a story. Explanation will emerge from what follows. Figure 1 depicts a huge wooden statue of the Virgin Mary, once the figurehead on the prow of a ship, but now on the high altar of the church of Saints Vittore and Carlo in Genoa, and venerated as Nostra Signora della Fortuna. On the night of 16-17 January 1636 a violent storm struck the port of Genoa. Many ships were wrecked. Among them was one called the Madonna della Pieta, which had the Virgin as its figurehead. A group of Genoese sailors bought this image as part of the salvage washed up from the sea. First setting it up under a votive painting of the Virgin in the harbour, they repaired it, had it repainted, and on the eve of Corpus Christi brought it to the church of San Vittore, close by the port. A famous blind song-writer was commissioned to write a song in honour of the image. Sailors and groups of young girls went through the streets of the city singing and collecting gifts. The statue became at once the focus of an extraordinary popular cult, thousands of people arriving day and night with candles, silver crowns, necklaces, and crosses in gratitude for the graces which had immediately begun to be granted. Volleys of mortars were let off in celebration. The affair was managed by the sailors who, in the face of mounting criticism and anxiety from local church leaders, directed devotions and even conducted exorcisms before the image. To stem the gathering tide of visitors and claims of miracles, and to try to establish control, the higher clergy first questioned the identity of the statue (some held it to represent, not the Virgin, but the Queen of England); then the statue was walled up; finally the church was closed altogether. Still, devotees climbed into the church, and large-scale demonstrations of protest were held. The archbishop instituted a process of investigation, in the course of which many eye-witnesses and people who claimed to have experienced miracles were interviewed (giving, in the surviving manuscript, rich detail of their responses to the image). Eventually the prohibition was lifted, and from 1637 until well into the twentieth century devotion to Nostra Signora della Fortuna remained strong, with frequent miracles or graces being recorded. So here we have a cult focused on an image of secular origin, transformed by the promotion of the sailors into a devotional object which roused the enthusiasm of thousands of lay people. It was a cult which, significantly, sprang up at a time of unrest in the city of Genoa, and which thus focused pressing issues of authority. The late 163os witnessed growing tension between factions of ‘old’ and ‘new’ nobility, the latter being marked by their hostility to the traditional Genoese Spanish alliance. Hostilities were played out both within the Senate and in clashes in the streets of the city. The cult of Nostra Signora della Fortuna grew up in this context, but survived and developed in subsequent centuries, attracting devotion from all over Italy.


1994 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. Houston

Political participation in eighteenth-century Scotland was the preserve of the few. A country of more than one and a half million people had less than 3,000 parliamentary electors in 1788. Scottish politics was orchestrated from Westminster by one or two powerful patrons and their northern clients—a fact summarized in book titles like The People Above and The Management of Scottish Society. The way Edinburgh danced to a London tune is well illustrated in the aftermath of the famous Porteous riots of 1736. After a government official was lynched the Westminster government leaned heavily on the city and its council. And the nation as a whole was kept under tight rein after the Jacobite rising of 1745-46.This does not mean that ordinary people could not participate in political life, broadly defined. Burgesses could influence their day-to-day lives through membership of their incorporations (guilds) and through serving as constables and in other town or “burgh” (borough) offices. Ecclesiastical posts in the presbyterian church administration—elders and deacons of kirk sessions—had also to be filled. Gordon Desbrisay estimates that approximately one in twelve eligible men would be required annually to serve on the town council and kirk session of Aberdeen in the second half of the seventeenth century. With a 60% turnover of personnel each year, distribution of office holding must have been extensive among the middling section of burgh society from which officials were drawn. For burgesses and non-burgesses alike, other avenues of expression were open. In periods when political consensus broke down or when sectional interests sought to prevail townspeople could resort to riot.


2013 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-48
Author(s):  
M. P. Sendbuehler

In the nineteenth century, the tavern was an important institution in urban working-class life. Because of the social ills associated with alcohol abuse and public drinking, there were frequent attempts to lessen the tavern's importance or to eliminate it entirely. This paper examines several tavern-related issues that emerged in Toronto in the 1870s and 1880s. The Crooks Act, passed in 1876, employed powerful measures to deal with political and temperance questions simultaneously. The intersection of class, politics, temperance, and urban life led to a territorial solution to the liquor question. These issues were dealt with by the people of Toronto in 1877, when they declined to prohibit public drinking in the city via the Dunkin Act, a local option prohibition statute of the Province of Canada.


Author(s):  
Christabella Nadia Angela ◽  
Franky Liauw

Rawa Belong is one of the village in Jakarta’s density. Then this village was filled by social interactions that give a life to the city. A public space that everyone can relax and leisure also express themselves freely. With a cultural background and plants, Rawa Belong began to be seen as something special. Various communities and people with a different background are in it. Freedom that should be in a public space is not happen here, because of the density both in the interaction between people and their environment. This project is based on “Everyday Urbanism” method to observe and analysis the urban life in Rawa Belong. Then this project was created to resolve what people in Rawa Belong needs such as a place to recreation and leisure where will be seen as a connection between lost spaces also to create a space that combine all the people and community that should be in a public space.   Keywords:  community; cultural; plants; public space; social interactioAbstrakRawa Belong merupakan salah satu kelurahan ditengah kepadatan kota Jakarta. Suatu kelurahan yang diisi oleh interaksi social yang memberi kehidupan bagi kota. Sebuah wadah dan ruang public dimana setiap orang dapat melakukan aktivitas rekreasi dan mengekspresikan dirinya secara bebas. Dengan latar belakang sejarah budaya betawi dan juga tanaman hias, daerah Rawa Belong dipandang sebagai sesuatu yang khas dan istimewa. Berbagai macam komunitas dengan berbagai latar belakang ada di dalamnya, kebebasan yang seharusnya ada dalam sebuah ruang public tidak terlihat di daerah ini karena begitu padatnya satu dengan yang lainnya baik dalam interaksi antar manusia maupun interaksi dengan lingkungannya. Proyek ini didasari  menggunakan metode “Everyday Urbanism” untuk melakukan pengamatan dan analisa terhadap kehidupan di Rawa Belong. Kemudian proyek ini diciptakan untuk menjawab kebutuhan wadah rekreasi yang ada, dimana wadah ini akan dilihat sebagai sebuah koneksi antar ruang-ruang yang hilang dan menggabungkan semua komunitas dan masyarakat yang seharusnya ada dalam sebuah ruang terbuka.


2018 ◽  

This book examines the active role of urban citizens in constructing alternative urban spaces as tangible resistance towards capitalist production of urban spaces that continue to encroach various neighborhoods, lanes, commons, public land and other spaces of community life and livelihoods. The collection of narratives presented here brings together research from ten different Asian cities and re-theorises the city from the perspective of ordinary people facing moments of crisis, contestations, and cooperative quests to create alternative spaces to those being produced under prevailing urban processes. The chapters accent the exercise of human agency through daily practices in the production of urban space and the intention is not one of creating a romantic or utopian vision of what a city "by and for the people" ought to be. Rather, it is to place people in the centre as mediators of city-making with discontents about current conditions and desires for a better life.


2019 ◽  
pp. 107-129
Author(s):  
Katherine Isobel Baxter

Chapter Five examines how the law is represented and deployed in Cyprian Ekwensi’s Jagua Nana and People of the City and in a selection of Nigerian market fiction. The law and its transgression permeated a range of publications in the years immediately preceding and after independence. Fiction and non-fiction alike repeatedly engaged with questions of crime and punishment, and even invoked legal paradigms to explore sexual and emotional relationships. This chapter demonstrates how market literature sought to generate through its own imagined communities discussion about and regulation of the apparent lawlessness of modern urban life. In attending to the larger presence of the law in both high- and lowbrow literature of the period, this chapter shows how the law was shaped in the popular imagination at independence.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Abhishek Kaicker

That the ordinary people were merely the passive objects of sovereign authority has long served as a chief axiom in the study of precolonial India. The following pages offer, by way of introduction, an argument to the contrary. While premodern urbanites in South Asia have received little historical attention, the common people of the city of Delhi—regarded as little better than animals by the imperial elite—nevertheless emerged as subjects in a regime that had no conception of their place in politics. Offering an analysis of the evolving relation between sovereignty and popular politics in the period, this book lays out in the starkest terms the heretofore-unrevealed potential of Delhi’s urbanites for concerted action in extraordinary circumstances. This introduction sets the stage in precolonial India and outlines the subjects of each of the book’s seven chapters.


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